Känn historiens vingslag i Poltava - Flames of War

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Die Sowjets eroberten Auschwitz am Erst in der Ausgabe vom 2. Februar legte man dort klar, dass die Vernichtung mittels elektrischem Strom praktiziert worden war.

Die toten Opfer fielen auf ein Förderband, mit dem sie zum oberen Rand eines Hochofens transportiert wurden, in dem sie dann zu Asche verbrannten s.

Jedes Mittel war recht, wie so oft in den Holokaust-Erfindungen. Es wäre interessant, den genauen Betrag zu untersuchen und zu veröffentlichen; um sich eine Idee davon zu machen, kann man meinen kurzen Artikel vom Für heute wird die Zeremonie vom Mardochai steht im Gegensatze zu Haman.

Zwar sucht ich er durch Esther Einfluss auf den König zu gewinnen, ler nicht aus selbstischen Gründen, sondern aus Liebe zu inem Volke.

Er betrachtet sich nur als Werkzeug einer höheren Sicht: Doch diss er, dass es damit allein nicht getan ist, dass es viel- 3hr energisch handeln heisst.

So feuert er Esther mit Igenden Worten zur Tat an: De mesme que pour eux il s jeut fendre les eaux, Mais aussi redoutez que le Ciel qu'on outrage Ne laisse sur vous seule eclatter c6t orage, Pour avoir neglige des peuples malheureux Et retenu le bien qu'il vous donna pour eux.

Croyez quo le plaisir des Prinees equitables Consiste ä secourir les peuples miserables. Als endlich dank seiner rastlosen Bemühungen das grosse Werk der Rettung des jüdischen Volkes gelungen ist, gibt er Gott allein die Ehre und tritt selbst bescheiden in den Hintergrund.

Das Stuck sehliesst mit den Worten: Die beiden Frauengestalten Vasthi und Esther bilden gleichfalls einen gewissen Gegensatz. Der hervorstechende Charakterzug der verbannten Königin ist ihr Stolz, der ja auch der Grund zu ihrer Verstossung geworden war.

Sie ist von ihrem Königtum tief durchdrungen und verachtet ihre — wie sie glaubt, niedriggeborene — Nebenbuhlerin von ganzem Herzen. Une fille du peuple, ha!

Sie ist aus der Verbannung zurückgekehrt, um diese Schmach abzuwenden, und zum äussersten entschlossen: Le throsne ou le tombeau, tout le reste est honteux.

Vor Artaxerxes gebracht, verlangt sie Gerechtigkeit, doch der König speist sie mit leeren Redensarten ab. Ne vous abusez point, ne croyez point des fahles, Un Sceptre est m6prise dans des mains meprisables, L'honn3Ur n'est pas honneur quand il est mal donne Et vous feriez d'un Throne un Autel profane.

Esther ist viel weicher, unentschlossener als Vasthi. Sie schwankt lange, ob sie die Krone annehmen soll, und hat allerlei Bedenken, die ihr Mardochai mit Mühe zerstreut.

Persönlicher Ehrgeiz liegt ihr fern, nur aus Liebe zu ihrem Volke entschliesst sie sich endlich, Königin von Persien zu werden: J'opposeray mon sein aux cousteaux effroyables Qui doivent esgorger tes enfans miserables, Et malgre les fureurs qui les fönt succömber, Pas un ne tombera qu'on ne m'ait veu tomber.

Nach und nach findet sie sich aber in ihre neue Rolle hin- ein, wobei ihr eine gewisse Schlauheit zustatten kommt.

Sie weiss den eitlen König geschickt bei seiner Schwäche zu nehmen, was ihr sofort seine Huld sichert, und auch bei Haman versteht sie sich in Gunst zu erhalten, ja es gelingt ihr durch eine gut gespielte List, ihm seinen Plan zur Vernichtung der Juden zu entlocken.

Sie fühlt die Ungerechtigkeit des Artaxerxes gegen die Königin und wird durch deren leidenschaftlichen Schmerz so erschüttert und gerührt, dass sie bereit ist, zu Vasthis — 72 — Gunsten auf die Krone zu verzichten.

Taktvoll, immer noch die einstige Gebieterin in Vasthi achtend, verteidigt sie sich gegen ihre heftigen Angriffe.

Für ihren gestürzten Feind Haman bittet sie um Gnade. Hier ist die Jüdin vielmehr ein ent- schlossenes, grausames, rachsüchtiges Weib, geradezu eine Teufelin.

Sie begnügte sich nicht mit dem Ruhm, ihr Volk gerettet zu haben, auch nicht mit der Rache an flaman, sondern sie sorgte dafür, dass die zehn Söhne Hamans ge- henkt wurden und setzte die Vernichtung aller Judenfeinde durch.

Du Ryer hat diese Scheusslich- keiten gänzlich unterdrückt, ebenso Racine. Doch bleibt immerhin noch ein Rest übrig, der sich wohl kaum anders erklären lässt als dadurch, dass Racine hier und da von seinem Vorgänger Nutzen gezogen hat.

Ich beschränke mich zum Beweise meiner Behauptung auf die wichtigsten Übereinstimmungen. Mardochai fordert Esther zur Tat auf: En V0U3 est tout Tespoir de vos malheureux freres, U faut les secourir.

Konige, 9, 1 — 2. Mardochai wird im iche Esther 2, 5 der Urenkel eines gewissen Kis genannt: Mardochai descend comme moi Du sang infortune de notre premier roi.

Vous la fille d'un Juif? Et ce n'est qu' ä toy seul que nous devons le rendre. Esther Jt am Hofe ihre jüdische Abstammung geheim. W Buch Esther 5, 9— Environne d'enfants, soutiens de ina puissance, 11 ne manque ä mon front que le bandeau royal.

Cependant, des mortels aveugleraent fatal! De cet amas d'honneurs la douceur passagere Fait sur mon coeur a peine une atteinte legere; Mais Mardochee assis aux portes du palais, Dans ce coeur malheureux enfonce mille traits; Et toute ma grandeur me devient insipide, Tandis que le soleil eclaire ce perfide.

Haman will sich nicht mit der Rache an Mardochai be- gnügen, sondern das ganze Jüdische Volk verderben: Tu sais bien que le Juifs sont des objets de haine De qui chacun souhaite ou la perte ou la peine.

Je veux par mes raisons persuader au Roy De purger son Estat de ce peuple sans foy, De le faire passer par le fer et la flame, De ne rien espargner de cette engeance infame.

A mon coeur, ä mes yeux Un seul Juif a rendu tous les Juifs odieux. Mardochais Tod genügt Haman nicht. Et detestes partout, detestent tous les hommes.

Haman va jusqu'ä vous attaquer vostre gloire. Haman ennemi de votre propre gloire. Nicolas-Marie Desfon- ines, usf.

Soulie in der Correspondance litteraire, 25 janvier Wie soll man das verstehen? Der Vorwurf des Stückes ist bekannt: Dieser belagert Rom, und bald steigt die Not in der Stadt aufs Höchste: Bref, le peuple Romain employe ä se nourrir Tout ce qui peut aider ä le faire mourir.

Aussi voit-on par tout des images Tragiques Et de malheurs publics et de maux domestiques. La le fils chancellant de foiblesse et d'ennuy, Mettant son Pere en terre y tombe avecque luy: Icy Tenfant se meurt d'une mort triste et lente Sur le sein 6puise de sa mere mourante, Et la mere qui voit ce spectacle inhumain, Se meurt en mesme tems de douleur et de faim.

Enfin, on voit partout la mort ou son image, Ghacun la porte au coeur ou dessus son visage, Et teile est ta patrie en cette extremite Qu'elle semble un sejour de spectres habite.

Semble avoir herite des vertus de ton pere, Et veut montrer que Rome au defaut d'autres biens N'a pas moins de Heros, qu'elle a de Citoyens.

Scävola spricht zu Junia. Um der Not ein Ende zu machen, schleicht sich C. Mucius Scaevola , ein römischer Jüngling, in das etruskische Lager in der Absicht, Porsenna zu ermorden: Der Feind Roms muss beseitigt werden, koste es was es wolle.

Dieser Gedanke ist es, der Scävola bei seinem Unternehmen leitet, und um der Befreiung Roms willen geht er freudig in den sichern Tod: Mon trepas sera beau, süperbe et renomme Si je peris pour Rome, Als ihm bekannt wird, dass er nicht Porsenna, sondern einen andern getötet habe, ruft er aus: Je suis Romain, Porsenne, Et tu vois sur mon front la liberte Romaine.

J'ay d'un bras que Thonneur a toüjours affermi Tächö comme ennemy de perdre Tennemy. J'avois conclu ta mort, ordonnes-tu la mienne? Frape, voila mon coeur Für Tarquinius, den Tyrannen seines geliebten Vaterlandes, hat er nur tiefe Verachtung: Dem Heldenjüngling zur Seite steht die Hei den Jungfrau.

Junia liebt Scävola, mehr aber noch ihr Vaterland. Ja, sie hält es sogar für ein Unrecht, dass in ihrem Herzen neben der Vaterlandsliebe auch noch die Liebe zu Scävola Raum habe: Sie trifft ihren Geliebten im etrurischen Lager, wohin sie durch eine Streif schaar Porsennas als Gefangene gebracht worden war, und sie benutzt die Gelegenheit, Scävola in seinem Mordplane noch zu bestärken.

Sie will lieber seinen Tod beweinen aJs ihn von der Ausführung des Anschlags zurücktreten sehen: Und als Scävola der Befürchtung Ausdruck gibt, seine Tat könne ihr, der Gefangenen, verderblich werden, ist sie ver- letzt, dass er dies überhaupt andeutet.

Was liegt an ihrem Leben, wenn es sich um das grosse Ziel der Befreiung Roms handelt! Tu me blesses, Scevole, et me fais une injure.

Vas-tu dans le peril? Porsenna gegenüber findet sie ähnliche stolze Worte wie ihr Geliebter: Mais enfin apprenez que Rome est indomptable, Que pour eile la faim n'a rien d'epouvantable, Et que les alimens ne luy manqueront pas Tandisque les Romains conserverons leurs bras.

Ce peuple pour sa gloire ennemy de la votre Se nourrira d'un bras et combattra de Tautre. Doch ist Junia auch zarten Gefühlen zugänglich, ganz kann sie ihre weibliche Natur nicht verleugnen.

Sie zittert für Scävolas Leben, obgleich sie seinen Plan vollständig billigt. Um den Geliebten zu retten und um zugleich ihrem Gefühl der Dankbarkeit gegen Porsenna, der sie mit grosser Zart- heit und Schonung behandelt hat, zu genügen, bittet sie Scävola, mit der Ausführung seines blutigen Planes zu warten, bis sie versucht habe, Porsenna zu überreden, von Rom abzuziehen, indem sie ihm dartut, dass er für einen Unwürdigen das Schwert gezogen habe.

Erst als dieser Ver- such fehlschlägt, fordert sie Scävola zur Tat auf. Seine rücksichtslose Energie und sein Stolz treten deutlich hervor.

Er drängt den unentschlossen zaudernden Porsenna zum Angriff auf Rom: Que par les chätimens qui leur sont apretez? Je pourrois me trahir?

A mes propres sujets je pourrois obeir? Mit höhnischer Verachtung schlägt er die Warnung der Göttor, Rom zu stürmen, in den Wind, Priesterbetrug ist ihm das Haruspicium, ein gutes Mittel, das Volk zu lenken, wie man will.

Donc vous vous figurez qu' une bete assommee Tienne nötre fortune en son ventre enfermöe. Et que des animaux les sales intestins 1 Akt I, Szene 1.

Ces superstitions et tout ce grand mystere Sont propres seulement ä tromper le vulgaire, C'est par lä qu'on le pousse, ou qu'on retient ses pas Selon qu'il est utile au bien des Potentats.

Ils ont des boiis succez les presages en eux Selon qu41s sont puissans, ou qulls sont courageux. Enfin de tous ces Dieux que se fönt les mortels A la victoire seule un Roy doit des autels.

Selbst nach dem Friedensschluss zwischen Rom und Etrurien gibt er sein Spiel noch nicht verloren: Die Charakteristik der andern Personen ist weniger gelungen.

Er ist aber auch diesem treu ergeben, denn Scä- vola hat ihm einst das Leben gerettet. Andererseits muss er ihn wegen seines Mordversuchs gegen Porsenna hassen.

Quoil que de certains Dieux les troupes affamees Viennent dessus Tautel se paitre de fumees? Oracle, sacrifice, augure, vol d'oiseaux, Dieux du Ciel, de l'Enfer, de la Terre et des Eaux, Invention humaine aussi belle que feinte, Vous ne me donnez point de sentiment de crainte.

Du vol de leurs oiseaux la verite depende? Que sous un fer sacre des taureaux gemissants Devoilent l'avenir ä leurs regards per9ants. Et que de leurs festons ces victimes ornees Des humains dans leurs flancs portent les destinees?

Nos pretres ne sont pas ce qu'un vain peuple pense, Notre credulite fait toute leur science. Für die damalige Zeit, die die Analyse seelischer Regungen besonders schätzte, muss die Darlegung des Wider- streites dreier verschiedener Liebesempfindungen ein wahrer Hochgenuss gewesen sein.

Porsenna ist eine mehr zögernde, bedächtige Natur und steht so in einem gewissen Gegensatze zu Tarquinius. Besonders ausgeprägte Charakterzüge hat er nicht.

Die Comödie Franpaise führte ihn 1 Im einzelnen Hesse sich allerdings manches als unwahrschein- lich bemängeln.

Ebenso unverständlich ist es, dass Scävola in Porsennas Lager, wo jede Minute der Zögerung die Gefahr der Entdeckung vergrössert, solange mit der Ausfuhrung seines Anschlags wartet, bis Junia ihren vergeblichen Versuch, Por- senna umzustimmen, unternommen hat.

Die Rolle des Königssohnes, die ja einen tragischen Konflikt von grosser Wirkung in sich barg, durch welchen starke Leidenschaften hätten ausgelöst werden können, ist viel zu unbedeutend gehalten.

Porsenne, Roy d'Etrurie — Le sieur le Grand. Arons, fils de Porsenne, amoureux de Junie — Le sieur Q. Scevole, amoureux de Junie — Le sieur Baron.

Der Nouveau Mercure bemerkt noch: Malgre Tair gothique de cette Piece, les expressions suranees et le jeux de mots, tout-ä-fait hors d'usage, eile n'a pas laisse d'etre goütee, et de faire plaisir.

Les sentimens elevez et la grandeur Ro- maine s'y fönt sentir ä chaque instant. Moliere, der ja das Stück gekauft hatte, spielte es bei seiner Rückkehr nach Paris auf dem Theater des Petit- Bourbon mit bemerkenswertem Erfolge und behielt es lange auf seinem Spielplan.

Das erste ist von Chappuzeau: Die Aufführungen verteilen sich wie folgt: Soulie in der Correspondance litteraire, a.

A Perney, 27 auguste Das andere ist von keinem geringeren als von Voltaire. Tragikomödie in 5 Akten und in Prosa.

Es war für die damalige Zeit durchaus etwas unge- wöhnliches, ein Stück in Prosa auf die Bühne zu bringen. Du Ryer sagt darüber in einem Vorwort selbst folgendes: Quoy qu41 en soit, c'est une course que je ne voudrois pas deux fois entre- prendre ; et j'ayme mieux me reposer au bout de la carriere, avec un peu de gloire, que de la recommencer avec hasard.

Der Inhalt ist kurz folgender: Criton, ein vornehmer Sizilianer, ist vor dem Hass des Tyrannen von Agrigent mit seinen beiden Töchtern Berenice und Amasie nach Kreta geflohen und erlangt am dortigen Hofe durch seine Klugheit und Tapferkeit bald grossen Einfluss.

Tarsis, der Sohn des Königs von Kreta, und dieser selbst, verlieben sich in Berenice, und Amasie findet in dem tapfern Tirinte ihren Anbeter.

Nach verschiedenen Zwischenfällen entschliesst sich der König, erzürnt über die Weigerung Critons, ihm seine Tochter als Gattin zu geben, nötigenfalls mit Gewalt seinen Willen durchzusetzen und Berenice auch ohne die Zustimmung ihres Vaters zu heiraten.

Die Vertauschung der Kinder war folgender- massen vor sich gegangen: Sie gebar dort eine Tochter und starb nach der Geburt. Natürlich muss nun der König von der Heirat absehen.

Er vermählt seine Tochter Berenice mit Tarsis, der sich durch seine Helden- taten einer solchen Ehre würdig gemacht hat, und gibt Amasie seinem treuen Minister Tirinte.

Die Lösung des Knotens ist geschickt vorbereitet, sodass der Zuschauer bis zur letzten Szene das Interesse nicht verliert. Die Sprache ist edel und im ganzen natürlich, wenn es auch an preziosen und pointierten Wendungen oder an gesuchten Vergleichen nicht ganz fehlt.

Die Charakterzeichnung ist freilich wieder sehr dürftig und schablonenhaft. B6renice zeigt ausser einem gewissen Stolz, der schon die verkleidete Königstochter verrät, ihrer Liebe und ihrer angeborenen weiblichen Schlauheit keine besonderen Eigenschaften.

Den Ereignissen gegen- über verhält sie sich passiv. Die Krone ist ihm nicht soviel wert als Berenicens Liebe: Vostre coeur est mon empire, votre coeur est ma couronne.

Vostre depart est donc resolu? Ouy, ma mort est resolue; et vous pouvez vous imaginer la violence qui se fait dans un corps, quand il est prest de rendre Täme.

Der tragische Konflikt in seiner Rolle ist viel zu wenig heraus- gearbeitet. Er über- rascht in dieser Szene seine Tochter Amasie mit einem Briefe des Tarsis und glaubt infolgedessen, beide hätten ein Liebesverhältnis.

Er machte ihr deshalb heftige Vor- würfe, und als sie sich entschuldigen will, bekommt sie die strenge Antwort: On n' a jamais raison de faillir.

Und dann diktiert ihm seine Menschenkenntnis und Erfahrung die Warnung: Tarsis se souviendra qu' il est Prince, il ne se souviendra plus qu' il est amant On fait gloire de tromper les filles.

Die Worte des Tarsis sind abgeschmackt. Sie wurde zu- erst auf dem Thöätre du Marai mit ziemlichem Erfolge auf- geführt.

Der Stoff ist z. Vorbildlich war für ihn ferner die Prosa-Berenice Du Ryers, aus welcher er mehrere, allerdings unbedeutende, Züge übernommen hat.

So finden wir z. Daraufhin entschliesst sich Börönice, ihrer Liebe zu entsagen. Ebenso bei Du Ryer.

Corneille freilich nicht so einfach wie bei unserem Dichter, die Vertauschung der Kinder ist komplizierter, und Schiffbruch, Aufstand und Entführung zeigen, dass Th.

Corneille nicht so vom klassischen Geiste durchdrungen war wie sein Vorbild. Themistocles wird nach seiner Flucht aus Athen vom Porserkönige Xerxes freundlich aufgenommen.

Mandane, die Schwester, und Artabaze, der Günstling des Königs, sind seine besonderen Gönner, solange bis Mandane erfährt, dass Themistocles ihren Gatten mit eigener Hand im Kampfe getötet habe.

Von dieser Stunde an sinnt sie auf sein Verderben. Artabaze, der Themistocles nur beschützt um Mandane zu gefallen, deren Tochter Palmis er liebt, wird ' Poemes dramatiques de T.

Nouvelle edition, Tome II. Roxane liebt Themistocles im stillen und warnt ihn vor der drohenden Gefahr, aber Themistocles will den Ort, wo seine Geliebte weilt, nicht verlassen.

Xerxes trägt sich mit dem Gedanken, den tapfern Griechen dadurch an sich zu fesseln, dass er ihm seine Nichte Palmis zur Gattin gibt, ein Plan, den Artabaze und Mandane zu vereiteln streben.

Da er- fährt letztere, dass ihr Gatte mit der Schwester des Artabaze ein Liebesverhältnis gehabt habe, welches Artabaze gefördert habe: Bevor Xerxes dazu seine Zustimmung gibt, verlangt er von Themistocles, er solle mit einem persischen Heere nach Griechenland ziehen, um die früheren Niederlagen und sich selbst zu rächen.

Nach hartem Seelenkampfe zwischen der Treue zum Vaterlande und der Liebe zu Palmis siegt endlich die erstere; er will lieber auf Ruhm und Glück verzichten als zum Vaterlandsverräter werden.

Da steht Xerxes, von so hoher Tugend gerührt, von seiner Forderung ab, willigt in die Ehe mit Palmis und verspricht freiwillig, von einem Kriege gegen Griechenland abzusehen.

Seite 99 b, Zeile 2: Peu du Rier travailloit pour du paiD. C'est a dire, travailloit pour subsister seulement. Mon amour propre s'est soulevä contre Tinjustice de votre Critique.

Vous m'entendez, Messieurs, et vous jugez bien que je parle de r Alcibiade: A Amsterdam, Chez Jean Garrel. Le fond du sujet des deux Tragedies est la retraite de ces deux illustres Atheniens en Perse Les deux sujets ont 6t6 maniez differemment.

Je ne veux pas faire une profonde analyse de ces deux Ouvrages, ils sont entre les mains de tout le monde A Dieu ne plaise que je veuille attaquer Durier: Themistocle n'aime ni son pais, ni la Perse, ni la maitresse que Durier lui donne.

C'est un personnage ambigu et 6quivoque, qui ne sauroit attacher. Mandane et Palmis, mere et fille, parentes de Xerxez, sont ou peu s'eh faut deux visionnaires, dont les sentimens n'ont rien d'interessant, nie de determin6.

Xerxez soütient assez mal le caractere de Roi. Artabaze, premier Ministre, n'est qu'un m6chant qu'on ne punit point. Enfin Themistocle, contre la verite de l'Histoire, öpouse Palmis, et Xerxez promet ä Themistocle de ne jamais faire la guerre ä la Grece.

Voilä ä-peu pres le caractere des Personnages et la Catastrophe du Themis- tocle. Peu de beaux traits. On doit cependant etre touche de celui-ci.

II est dans la bouche de Palmis. Elle parle de Themistocle: Beau, vaillant, plein d'esprit et voluptueux. C'est un Grec idolatre de sa Patrie. II aime mieux mourir par les mains de ses concitoiens, que de porter la guerre dans son pais natal.

Artaxerce est un v6ritable Roi: Et refusera-t'il son bras victorieux A la Grece mourante et raourante a ses yeux?

Quelle noblesse dans ce Discours, et qu'il est digne de la Majest6 de celui qui le prononce! Tout y court au denoüment; tout agit avec ordre.

Les moeurs des Perses et des Grecs y sont conservees avec scrupule. On y ramene avec avantage les principales guerres que ces deux peuples ont eu ensemble.

Enfin, Messieurs, si Ton excepte le seul trait que je vai raporter, on ne trouvera rien dans le Themistocle, dont TAuteur d' Alcibiade ait voulu profiter.

Xercez accorde Palmis ä Themistocle, et rinvite k le servir contre la Grece. Celui-ci oppose seulement k Xercez, que ce seroit travailler pour la gloire de la Grece!

Qu' on soit plagiaire ä ce prix! C'est done ä tort que vous avancez que TAlcibiade n'est qu' une copie du Themistocle, et que FAuteur d'Alcibiade a transcrit mot-ä-mot jusques ä de longues suites de Vers du Themistocle Au reste, Messieurs, je ne m'atiens pas ä voir cette Lettre dans votre Mercure: J'attens seulement de votre probitö une retraction authentique Gourdon de Bach, de Toulouse.

Gehen wir zunächst auf die Fabel der 2 Stücke ein: In beiden flieht ein griechischer Feldherr aus seiner Heimat an den persischen Hof und wird daselbst freundlich aufgenommen.

Er verliebt sich in eine persische Prinzessin, die Palmis heisst. In beiden Stücken wird der Held zunächst von einer Fürstin aus dem königlichen Hause beschützt, dann verfolgt und schliesslich wieder begünstigt.

Dem Themistocles steht als Rivale Artabaze, dem Alcibiades Pharnabaze gegenüber, allerdings mit dem Unterschiede, dass Artabaze ein niedriger Charakter und Feind des Themistocles ist, während Pharnabaze ein edler Mensch und des Alcibiades aufopfernder Freund ist.

Themistocles will den Hof nicht verlassen, weil dort seine Geliebte weilt, Alcibiades zieht sich, da er das Aussichts- lose seiner Liebe einsieht, vom Hofe zurück; Themistocles schlägt die Aufforderung, zu fliehen, in den Wind, Alcibiades folgt ihr.

Auf die Verschiedenheit der Charaktere des Artabaze und Pharnabaze habe ich schon hingewiesen. Ehe Alcibiades flieht, erklärt er Palmis seine Liebe, wird aber von ihr schroff an den Abstand ihrer beider- seitigen Geburt erinnert.

Ganz ähnlich spricht Lydia zu Alcion6e. Palmis bereut, wie Lydia, ihrer Vertrauten gegen- über ihre harten Worte und möchte sie wieder ungeschehen machen, aber es ist bereits zu spät: Was nun den Vergleich anlangt, den de Bach zwischen den Personen der beiden Stücke zieht, so ist dazu folgendes zu bemerken.

Um seiner Liebe willen weigert er sich zu fliehen, er will lieber die Verfolgungen Mandanes erdulden als sich von seiner Geliebten trennen.

Er liebt auch sein Vater- land. Zwar scheint es, als ihn Xerxes, Palmis, Roxane und Mandane mit Bitten bestürmen, in den Dienst der persischen Sache zu treten, als ob er sein Vaterland auf- zugeben im Begriff sei: Je dois la respecter avec ses cruautes Loing de porter la guerre k mon pays ingrat.

Palmis ist ein unbedeutendes Geschöpf. Sie liebt Themi- stocles, glaubt es aber ihrer Würde schuldig zu sein, dies nicht einzugestehen, und so schwankt sie zwischen Liebe und Stolz hin und her.

Zudem ist sie preziös. Diese ist ein launisches, leicht erregbares Weib ohne festen Charakter; die Motivierung ihres Tuns ist zu weit herge- holt.

Roxane, ihre Vertraute, ist eine sehr ansprechende Persönlichkeit. Sie ist zugleich auch die Vertraute des Themistocles und der Palmis, und diese eigentümliche Stellung macht sie fast allein zur Trägerin der Intrigue.

Sie liebt Themistocles, wagt aber nicht, ihm ihre hoffnungs- lose Neigung zu erklären, und in selbstloser Liebe beschränkt sie sich darauf, Themistocles zu dienen: Ö5 - Je le protegeray contre ses envieux, II spaura leurs desseins, je combatray contre eux, Et pour luy souhaiter un bien qui soit extresme Je voudrois que Palmis Taymast comme je Tayme.

Hartnäckig und zielbewusst verfolgt er seinen Plan und schreckt auch vor verwerflichen Mitteln nicht zurück. Er versteht es, den Mantel nach dem Winde zu hängen und sich mit grosser Geistesgegenwart und Gewandtheit aus jeder peinlichen Situation herauszulugen.

Nicht aus Liebe, sondern aus Ehrgeiz wirbt er um Palmis: II ne m' Importe pas que Palmis y consente, Ce qui fait mon bonheur, et le met en son jour, C'est sa possession plustost que son amour.

Xerces soutient assez mal son caractere de roi. Es ist im Gegenteil festzustellen, dass er echt königlich denkt und handelt. Dass ihm der Mann, der jetzt als Flüchtling eine Heimstätte begehrt, einst schweren Schaden zugefügt hat, trägt er ihm nicht nach, denn Lorsque ton bras arme combattoit contre moy.

Tu faisois ton devoir, tu signalois ta foy. Et par ce beau refus qui porte ses excuses Tu vient de meriter tout ce que tu refuses.

Andererseits ist Artaxerxes doch nicht so ganz das Muster- bild eines echten Königs, wie der Briefschreiber behauptet, denn in der Hoffnung auf Frieden liefert er feig einen Mann aus, den er erst freundlich aufgenommen, in sein Vertrauen gezogen, ja sogar zu seinem Schwiegersohne bestimmt hatte.

Die letzte Szene, wo der sterbende Held vor den König ge- bracht wird, ist denn auch recht demütigend für diesen.

In folgendem habe ich die Verse zusammengestellt, bei welchen man an eine Ent- lehnung denken könnte: Man hält Themistocles für einen Spion Griechenlands: Que c'est un espion que tient ici la Grece.

Roxane berichtet von der Ausrüstung und dem Marsche der persischen Truppen: Ny combien de soldats, ny combien de vaisseaux Le sc. Xerces suivirent sur terre ou bien dessus les eaux.

Je ne te diray point qu'on a cru que la terre A trembl6 sous le faix de tant d'hommes de guerre. Et que durant leur marche unis ou divisez Les fleuves qu'ils beuvoient en furent espuisez.

Des mont les plus affreux il percja les barrieres, Et son immense Camp fit tarir les rivieres. Der sterbende Held wendet sich an seine Geliebte: Quoy, Madame, est-il vray que mon sang ait des Capables maintenant de vous tirer des larmes?

Aus dieser Zusammenstellung erhellt wohl zur genüge, dass von einer quantite de vers copies tout de suite keine Rede sein kann. Que ma main achevast.

Pyrrhus ignore en mourant que c'est moi qui le tue. Mesnard in den Grands Ecrivains de la France , Bd. Nitocrts, Reine de Babylone.

Der Vorwurf des Stuckes ist von Du Ryer erfunden. Zwei Männer an ihrem Hofe sind der hohen Ehre würdig, den Thron mit ihr zu teilen: Beide haben aber bereits ihr Herz verschenkt: Des letzteren Liebe aber vermindert sich in dem Masse, wie sein Einfluss bei Hofe steigt.

Doch ist er klug genug, seine Sinnesänderung vor seiner Geliebten zu verbergen, da er an ihr eine Für- sprecherin bei der Königin hat.

Denn sein Streben geht nach der Krone von Babylon. Aber Nitocris' Herz hat sich bereits dem Cleodate zugewandt, doch hält sie ihre Liebe vor ihm verborgen.

Araxe merkt bald, dass Nitocris Cleo- date vorzieht, und er macht deshalb verschiedene Versuche, den verhassten Nebenbuhler zu stürzen — er offenbart der Königin die Liebe Cleodates zu Axiane und stellt diesen selbst als Vaterlandsverräter hin -— , die Versuche misslingen 1 Les histoires d'Herodote.

Du Ryer Paris Diese hat sich unterdessen von der unerschütterlichen Liebe C16o- dates zu Axiane überzeugt und entsagt nach hartem Seelen- kampfe ihrem eigenen Liebesglück, um das der Liebenden nicht zu stören: Am verhältnismässig konsequentesten durchgeführt ist der Charakter des Araxe.

Massloser Ehrgeiz ist die Trieb- feder seines Handelns. Jedes Mittel ist ihm recht, wofern es ihn nur auf dem Wege zum Throne vorwärts bringt: Tout ce qui meine au trosne est juste et legitime.

Er hintergeht seine Geliebte, um schneller vorwärts zu kommen: Schliesslich sucht er auch die Königin zu betrügen, um das Eine zu erreichen: Ihm gegenüber steht Cleodate, der hochherzige Freund, der nach allem, was vorgefallen, noch Gnade für Araxe zu erbitten weiss, der treue Liebhaber, den selbst die Liebe einer Königin kalt lässt, der ergebene Diener der Königin, 1 Akt V, Szene 5.

Mit echt könig- licher Selbstüberwindung drängt sie ihre Leidenschaft für Cleodate zurück: Wenig kö- niglich ist es freilich, dass sie sich von dem Vertrauten des Araxe über dessen geheime Pläne unterrichten lässt.

So reimt der Dichter z. Dieses sowie das folgende Stück wären besser unge- schrieben geblieben. Sie bieten in keiner Hinsicht etwas bemerkenswertes.

Ich kann mich also kurz fassen. Ersterer steht zwar unter dem Verdacht, den Vater der Königin in einer Schlacht auf hinterlistige Weise getötet zu haben, doch hat man keine Beweise gegen ihn, und seine Macht und seine kühnen Taten lassen ihn auf Erhörung hoffen.

Dynamis hasst ihn aber und liebt Poliante, den sie auch schliesslich heiratet. Areas zettelt einen Aufstand an, in welchem er von Poliante besiegt wird und fällt.

Doch diesen hat bereits die Strafe ereilt: Dynamis ist ähnlich gezeichnet wie Nitocris. Poliante ist ganz der schablonenhafte Liebhaber, der jeden Augen- blick bereit ist, sein Leben für die Auserwählte seines Herzens, man darf wohl sagen, wegzuwerfen.

Trasile und seine Geliebte, die Fürstin Proxene, sind ein hochgeborenes Verbrecherpaar. Letztere möchte Königin von Karien werden und hetzt ihren Geliebten auf, sich der Krone zu bemächtigen.

Seine Gedanken beschwichtigt sie mit den Worten: Le crime qui triomphe est appell6 vertu Non, non, fut-il der Weg zum Throne sanglant, affreux et Sans lumiere Tu m'y verras marcher et courir la premiere Regarde oü nous allons, et non par oü tu vas.

Trasile ist schnell zum Verbrechen bereit, denn: Die Einheit des Ortes ist in so weit gewahrt, als sich alles im Schlosse der Königin abspielt, bezw.

Das Druckprivileg dieses Stückes ist vom Es wäre also in das Jahr zu setzen, da ein Theater- stück gewöhnlich erst einige Zeit aufgeführt wurde, ehe es im Druck erschien.

Du Ryer acheve la dix-neuvieme sc. Alphenor, der Feldherr eines Königs, dessen Name nicht genannt wird, ebensowenig wie der seines Landes, hat im Kriege Anaxandre, den Sohn eines gleichfalls unge- nannten Königs, gefangen genommen und an den Hof gebracht.

Der König ist des langen Krieges müde und wünscht durch eine Heirat seiner Tochter Alcione mit dem gefangenen Prinzen seinem Lande den Frieden zu sichern.

Daher befiehlt er seiner Tochter, sie solle Anaxandres Herz zu gewinnen suchen. Das gelingt ihr auch, sie verliert aber dabei ihr eigenes.

Unterdessen hat sich Cephise, die ältere Tochter des Königs, ebenfalls in den Gefangenen verliebt, und da sie glaubt, dass Alcione ihre Liebe nur heuchle, überlässt sie sich völlig ihrer Leidenschaft, ja sie ist sogar bereit, Anaxandre um den Preis seiner Liebe zur Flucht zu verhelfen.

Anaxandre weicht aber diesem Antrag geschickt aus. Er bestärkt daher Cephise in ihrer Neigung zu Anaxandre und behauptet, dieser liebe sie.

Language instruction explained speech patterns not as regional dialects but as racial variants. An interwoven theme in all subjects was the superiority of the German race.

Physical beating of children who did not conform or were disobedient was common in the s. To implement the Law for the Prevention of Genetically Diseased Offspring, teachers were expected to report children with disabilities.

In I interviewed one of. We sat outside on his terrace enjoying the customary late-afternoon coffee and cake. When we were finished, I asked Friedrich K.

He recalled that there was the local teacher, Frau Ottnad, but she was dead. She had committed suicide.

He gestured toward the nearby chapel where she was buried, and mentioned something about her gravesite, the kind of local details that inhabitants of small villages notice.

I asked what she had done. He paused and looked at his wife, who nodded approvingly. Well, he explained, there was a nice little girl in our village I liked to play with.

She sat next to me in class. But sometimes she had seizures. And Frau Ottnad could not tolerate this. Then the girl stopped coming to school; she had disappeared from the village.

Frau Ottnad explained that the child caused too much disruption in class and that she had to be sent away. The child never returned.

One learned how to witness suffering arrogantly. Only those with the best marks would be taken into the foreign service, so Ivens studied hard.

As a child, she had visited the Netherlands with her father; she had fond memories of the city that served as the seat of the Dutch government, The Hague, and of one of its buildings in particular, the German School.

Ivens awaited official word of her assignment from the Cultural. Where might she be posted? There were many possibilities. When a thin blue envelope with official stamps on it arrived, Ivens suddenly felt her heart beating faster.

Her father left the room and began to telephone friends. Did anyone know where this place was? He returned as informed as he could be.

Reichelsfelde was a village in the annexed territories of Poland. There was no post office in the village, no train station, no electricity, and no plumbing.

Ivens was disappointed, but there was nothing she could do. Orders were orders, and there was little time to become sentimental about Den Haag.

She began to pack and plan for her journey. Though Nazi authorities were not keen on placing single women in these rural outposts, they saw no alternative.

With the ongoing war, fewer men were available for civilian desk jobs and professions. Schools were central institutions for converting ethnic Germans to the Nazi cause, and for creating a racial hierarchy that pushed non-German children out of the schools while developing a new elite of female educators.

By March , about six months after the start of the war, the Reich Education Ministry in Berlin had already instructed its regional offices across Germany to send trained teachers immediately to the eastern territories to fulfill this mission.

In one region of Poland alone, some twenty-five hundred German women worked in the German-only schools, organizing the establishment of more than five hundred kindergartens.

Like Ivens, these teachers had little choice in their assignments; attempts to be released from postings in places like Reichelsfelde were routinely denied.

The teachers and childcare workers who ran schools and kindergartens in the Nazi East contributed to the development and implementation of the.

Schools were often managed by German women sent from the Reich and local ethnic Germans who assisted them. Of all the professions, it was nursing that brought the largest number of German women directly into the war and the Nazi genocide, as nurses occupied a variety of traditional and new roles in the developing racial state.

In Germany, they participated in selections of the mentally and physically disabled in asylums and escorted these victims to their deaths in gas chambers or administered lethal injections.

In the eastern territories, they cared for German soldiers and witnessed the deprivation and murder of Soviet prisoners of war and Jews.

They worked in the infirmaries of concentration camps. They consoled German SS policemen and soldiers who recoiled from the experience of shooting victims at close range.

They visited ghettos on official health inspections, and they visited ghettos privately as well, out of curiosity or a desire to obtain some object or service.

They stood on railway platforms while Jewish deportees locked in railway cars begged for help. They were primary witnesses of the Holocaust in Europe, and some committed mass murder as the euthanasia program expanded from Germany into Poland.

As the profession of nursing developed into a noble calling in the second half of the nineteenth century, it was limited to middle- and upper-class women.

Indeed, soldiers dubbed these nurses in their long white dresses and winged caps, flying from. Recruiters enticed young women with patriotic slogans and propagandistic images of smiling nurses in exotic settings and dressed in clean white uniforms—images that presented war as an experience of healing and caring rather than one of bloodshed and violence.

Many teenagers were receptive to the call to serve the Reich; they wanted to escape the village and had already been exposed to a heavy dose of hygiene and racial biology in childcare courses.

Some fifteen thousand women turned out in the recruiting drives of late and early , just after the Nazi conquest of Poland.

During the Nazi era, nursing took on an acutely nationalistic and ideological character. Tailored dresses and modest caps replaced the gowns of World War I.

The most important piece of the new uniform was the pin, a military-style stamp of honor and organizational affiliation. To become fully certified—a status allowing for work in any hospital—a nurse had to show proof of her Aryan ancestry and political reliability.

Nursing as it was now conceived left little room for humanitarian ideals. Like ordinary German soldiers, nurses had to take an oath to the Führer.

Feeling that she had little choice, Ohr joined. She recalled nothing of the ideological content of the meetings she attended—or perhaps she suppressed those details in her recounting—but she did remember receiving the uniform, a crisp white blouse and dark blue skirt.

More decisive for her future was one event, probably also sponsored by the Nazi Party, at which Ohr met two Red Cross nurses. These nurses were also farm girls who, upon realizing that their eldest brother would inherit the family business, had decided to seek an alternative and pursue a profession.

Ohr found them inspiring in their Red Cross uniforms and lapel pins. First, though, she had to be released from compulsory labor duties in the Reich Labor Service, and then she had to secure a certificate attesting to her Aryan racial status.

Once the bureaucratic documentation was done, Ohr had to convince her employer, the priest, to let her go. When the rumors of her departure circulated, neighbors could not.

Only when her large suitcase was packed and shipped to Stuttgart did they believe it. With the outbreak of war in came a growing need for nurses and female health aides.

Her female superiors, the head nurses, were much older; one had served in World War I. They were all extremely efficient, prizing correctness and cleanliness.

Some clearly enjoyed giving orders to the young recruits. One insisted that all nurses wear their hair parted down the middle for the proper matronly appearance.

But Erika Ohr had her own preference. She parted her hair on the side, and when she returned home for a visit and was photographed in her uniform, that was how she proudly appeared.

After two years of intensive training in several clinics and hospitals in Stuttgart, Ohr was fully certified as a nurse and received her marching orders.

All members of the German Red Cross—as well as nurses associated with an array of religious, Party, and government organizations—could be called up for military service.

Perhaps she had made a mistake. Ohr had met German soldiers in a Stuttgart military hospital and had treated their injuries, but now she would have to work closer to the front and in a foreign land.

She could be sent anywhere in Nazi-occupied Europe or northern Africa. Ohr had no experience abroad; she had never ventured more than a hundred miles from her hometown in southern Germany.

She was nervous when she reported to the district army office in Stuttgart to pick up her official relocation papers, stamped 3 November She was being sent to Ukraine.

Ohr had little time to think about her destination: In a rush, she packed and informed her family of her assignment. When she boarded the train that would take her to Ukraine, she realized that she was the only woman among thousands of soldiers.

No one waved goodbye to her at the station. In the summer of , Annette Schücking, a highly educated young woman with a distinguished pedigree, also donned a tailored Red Cross uniform.

She hailed from a family of esteemed nineteenth-century literary figures. Her great-grandfather had been the companion of Annette von Droste-Hülshoff, a literary giant whose heroic protagonists and romantic musings on Westphalia fit the ideals of Nazi culture.

Her pacifist father, an active member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany SPD —the party that had founded the Weimar Republic—was barred from politics when the Nazis assumed power in A patriot and an idealist, Annette believed that she could dismantle the dictatorship in the courts.

Soon, though, Schücking realized that she was helpless to change the Nazi system and the men who dominated it. At the University of Münster she was one of two women in her class; she and the other woman were routinely mocked by patronizing professors who found their presence in seminars an affront to tradition.

No matter how well she did, she would not be able to practice law: Hitler had barred women from the judiciary and the legal profession. In any case, before she could finish her degree, Schücking was called up to fulfill her wartime labor duty.

What could she do? Schücking wanted to avoid a routine clerical job, and she was certainly too highly educated to work in a factory. She detested the Nazis and their repression of political rights and freedoms, and her own career dreams had been frustrated, but she was still a proud German with a sense of duty.

Her peers, young German men, were being sent into battle and needed to be cared for, and she could not stay at home. At this time a newsreel was being shown in German theaters—Mothers in Mogilev.

It showed nurses doing their womanly duty at war in Belarus— greeting Hitler, caring for wounded soldiers, measuring drug doses, and serving refreshments and cake to the young soldiers.

After a few months of. These nurses were agents of a criminal regime, culpable by association but not by their individual deeds.

Other nurses did commit mass murder themselves, however. Of all the female professions, nursing contained the highest concentration of documented crimes, in the euthanasia program and the medical experiments in the camps.

The case of Pauline Kneissler is among the better-known ones of a German nurse-killer. Born in , Kneissler grew up in a well-off ethnic German household in the Odessa region of Ukraine.

Kneissler obtained German citizenship in and studied nursing in Duisburg on the Rhine. In the early s she completed her training at various institutions and then landed a secure position as a municipal nurse in an asylum in Berlin.

In Kneissler joined the Nazi Party. Besides her active role in Nazi associations and full-time work at the asylum, Kneissler enjoyed singing in a Protestant church choir.

In December she was summoned by the police to report to the Ministry of the Interior early in the new year.

The address given was in fact that of the Columbus House headquarters of the Nazi euthanasia operation. It was absolutely voluntary for those present to agree to participate.

None of us had any objections to this program, and Blankenburg swore us in. We were sworn to secrecy and obedience, and Blankenburg called to our attention the fact that any violation of the oath would be punished by death.

The castle—the former summer home of the dukes of Württemberg—is several miles from the nearest town and sits perched on a hilltop.

After World War I it was converted into a home for the disabled. The man in charge of the transports, Mr. Schwenninger of the Charitable Foundation for Institutional Care, had the list of deportees to be killed.

This list had to be matched against the patient lists in the facilities they visited. Once at Grafeneck, the patients were placed in barracks and superficially examined by two doctors.

In most cases the patients were killed within twenty-four hours of their arrival. Between January and December , medical personnel murdered 9, people at Grafeneck.

After the war her role as a perpetrator in Germany became well known. What is less well known is the fact that she was briefly posted in the East—a posting that would contribute to the transfer of mass-murder procedures from Germany to Poland and Belarus.

She joined a special unit of killers approved by Hitler. In contrast, the documented killing done by other German women in the East was dictated less by their professional training than by simple opportunity, individual character, and proximity to power and violent settings.

Even female guards in the camp and prison system could choose how cruel and sadistic to be toward prisoners and patients. The Nazi regime trained thousands of women to be accomplices, to be heartless in their dealings with the enemies of the Reich, but did not aim to develop cadres of female killers.

Particularly outside the terror system of the camps, prisons, and asylums, it was not expected that women would be especially violent or would kill.

In the East, it was secretaries and wives, not teachers or even nurses, who were most likely to become direct killers. Those who were close to the crime scenes, and to the men who managed and implemented the mass murder, were unavoidably involved—and, as will become clear, participated more than they had to.

Prior to the Nazi seizure of power, another revolution was under way in Germany, one that would prove decisive for this generation of women: By the number of women in white-collar clerical positions had tripled from the decade before.

Between and , young women increasingly sought work outside the traditional occupations of agriculture and domestic labor.

Women filled the ranks of the bureaucratic state and of corporations, the very machinery that sponsored, organized, and implemented the Holocaust.

The ordinary young woman of the Weimar era was not a freespirited flapper, and in the Nazi era she was not a demure housewife in a dirndl.

Rather, she was an overworked, poorly paid secretary. Modernity could be exhilarating and exhausting. Though exploited in the Nazi system, young women found new opportunities in the administrative field.

One could work in an office in the Reich or abroad. One could work for a government agency or in the armaments industry.

Ilse Struwe was among at least ten thousand secretaries who left Germany to work in the offices of the East. Ilse had been a lively child—too rambunctious, in fact, for her Prussian household, where, as she later recollected, the watchword was silence.

Her bedridden mother insisted that she keep still, be seen and not heard. Her father, a fruit wholesaler and Nazi Party member, beat her when she disobeyed.

She soon learned that to be loved and accepted, and to be a brave, good girl, it was best not to challenge authority.

Instead, she quietly endured. At fourteen, Struwe lost her mother. They invited her into the youth movement when she was alone and grieving.

Struwe went to the meetings and. Later, when he was parachuted into Poland during the Nazi invasion, he wrote home to his sweetheart Ilse, boasting that he had cut off the beard of an elderly Jew.

Struwe grew to dislike him. As Struwe matured, she realized there were ways out of her oppressive household and village.

Her miserable mother, dependent for her entire life, had advised her daughter to gain some vocational training. Struwe relocated to Berlin to attend high school and complete secretarial training at a trade school.

But why bother with such training when she would get married anyway, her father wondered. He insisted that she come home and help him with the business.

Struwe was prepared to follow his orders, but her uncle in Berlin suggested that she seek a position in the military. New offices were opening in Paris, which the Germans had just occupied.

Struwe was sent to France in , Serbia in , and Ukraine in , opening mail, typing reports, editing publications, and relaying communications in the operations office of a Wehrmacht sentry.

Two hundred thousand of these women were, like Struwe, sent to the occupied territories. When Struwe was transferred to Ukraine, she did not give it much thought.

She wanted an adventure and travel, and besides, she had to go wherever she was sent. Liselotte Meier, in contrast, chose to go east.

She grew up in the Saxon town of Reichenbach at the foothills of the Ore Mountains bordering Bohemia. Meier and one of her childhood friends prepared together for white-collar work.

They dreamed of careers in the nearby cities of Leipzig, Dresden, Berlin. Both would end up in the same office in Lida, Belarus. Meier had completed two years of a trade school and another two years of a commercial apprenticeship.

At nineteen, she had the choice between working at an automobile factory in Leipzig and joining the new occupation administration in the East as a secretary.

She chose the second. Altvater was a working-class girl from Minden in western Germany, where her father was a foreman in a foundry.

The Westphalian town was socially rigid, economically depressed, and piously conservative. There were not many job prospects here in the s. In the modernizing state, marriage was still a primary route to social advancement.

With her female comrades she was put to the test ideologically and physically. Socialization here did not come in the form of traditional female values, and the League was no finishing school.

She could hold her own alongside male comrades in the racial struggle. Altvater soon set her sights beyond the stifling atmosphere of Minden.

From to she trained as a business secretary at a machinemanufacturing firm. With this recommendation she was able to obtain a position as a stenographer for the city administration of her hometown.

But soon she became restless in her desk job; she wanted to get closer to the action of the war. Her boss in Minden tried to discourage her from leaving, but to no avail.

Realizing that Nazi Party membership would open up opportunities, perhaps in the newly annexed territories of Poland, Altvater filed her.

She was accepted in January Her clerical experience, single status, ostensible devotion to the Party, and desire to relocate made her an ideal candidate for service abroad.

She was tapped by the new Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories to relocate to Ukraine, and left immediately. She completed Gymnasium, the more competitive type of high school program in Germany, and her route to an eventual assignment in the East was more prestigious than that of the other secretaries.

She was nineteen years old when she accepted a position in the recently established Gestapo station in Berlin. From there she was transferred to the Reich Security Main Office.

It was a large organization, with a staff that would reach some fifty thousand in The secretaries who worked in this most notorious office in the Nazi terror apparatus fit a certain profile.

Most were Nazi Party members or were active in Party organizations prior to their employment in the East. They were serious, self-assured women who were not intimidated by the Gestapo building, a place to which Germans were summoned and from which many did not return home.

These job seekers saw it instead as an attractive place to work. The pay was better, and perhaps being on the inside felt more secure than being on the outside.

The expansion of Germany into Austria brought more German women into the Nazi system. By the time Hitler annexed his homeland in March , two young secretaries in Vienna had already opted for Nazism.

Fanatics, they would later volunteer to work in Gestapo offices in Poland and Ukraine. Like many of her generation, she completed eight years of grammar school and middle school, followed by a two-year trade school.

After working for a few years as a typist in a private firm, she joined the newly established Gestapo office in and remained there until February , when she requested a better position, working for the commander of the Security Police and Security Service Sipo-SD in Radom, Poland.

But she did not appear to be Aryan. She was short, with brown eyes. For a photograph that would later accompany her application to marry the SS commander Felix Landau, Gertrude chose—oddly enough—to pose in an embroidered blouse, typically worn on special occasions by provincial Slavic women.

The scholar Michael Mann has argued that Nazis outside Germany—most notably in the borderlands of Poland, Bohemia, and Alsace as well as in Austria—developed especially fanatical tendencies in the s.

They organized evening social events to lure young single men and women. One of these women was Josefine Krepp. Josefine Krepp was a twenty-three-year-old typist living at home in an outer district of Vienna.

Her family apartment on the Krausegasse was not the best place from which to pursue a career or find a husband. In March Krepp made the trek into the city to attend a Nazi Party gathering.

She paid two schillings to learn more about the movement and to meet other curious young men and women. That two-schilling entry fee became her first payment of Party dues.

Krepp applied to join; it would be her first formal association with a political party. But she would have to wait to receive her official Party identification, because after the Nazis launched a series of bomb attacks in Austria, their Party was banned in June In the meantime, Krepp found a better job in the central police department.

After Germany annexed Austria in March , Krepp, who was still considered a Party applicant, was at least allowed to wear her Nazi pin.

Her dedication and ambition were recognized,. The elderly Freud fled a few months later to Paris. He was one of approximately one hundred thirty thousand Jews who were able to escape a salvo of anti-Semitic decrees and pogroms that ostracized and pauperized the Viennese Jewish community and left their synagogues, cultural centers, schools, and businesses in shambles.

Hitler had a special hatred for Viennese Jews. Many Austrians cemented their future in the Party and the Reich by proving themselves in Vienna in and There, he and his staff zealously perfected a system of forced Jewish emigration and expropriation of Jewish property, a model later applied to the mass deportations of European Jews to the Nazi death camps in Poland and to mass shooting sites in eastern Europe.

Josefine Krepp was a direct beneficiary of these historic changes. As a recognized early supporter of the Nazi Party and loyal administrator, she was promoted from the regular police bureau to the elite security agency, the Gestapo.

It had been vacant since October , when the first fifteen hundred Jews from Vienna were deported to a reservation in Nisko, Poland.

Secretaries like Block and Segel were not ordinary office workers. The route to success could involve service in the East, and many volunteered to be posted in Poland, the Baltics, and Ukraine.

Some were after a suitable partner to advance their social position, some sought to realize their newfound ideological goals, and some sought a liberating adventure.

Many wanted all of the above. Women who worked as secretaries in the Gestapo or the Reich Security Main Office typically remained in these organizations.

As part of the hiring procedure, they took a vow of secrecy. Once they showed that they could be trusted, they were occasionally moved to different stations, wherever a pressing need for stenographers and typists arose.

After the war she claimed that she had not been interested in relocating outside of Germany, until her boss lured her with the promise of occupying the coveted front office for the chief of the secret police in Minsk.

It was an influential position that paid better than her job in Berlin. The tremendous growth of Nazi Germany, its proliferating state and Party offices, and its economic and military rearmament depended upon a young, female secretarial force of clerks, stenographers, telephone operators, and receptionists.

At the time there was some ambivalence among men and women about this group of emerging female professionals. On the one hand, they were necessary to keep government and businesses running, and since most were underpaid, they were a cheap source of labor.

Thus this female contribution to the Nazi system was enormous, but it was publicly minimized. In Nazi ideology and propaganda, the mother remained the heroine of the German race.

Thousands of Gestapo secretaries were direct witnesses and administrative accomplices to massive crimes. However, while employed as secretaries, they were not likely to become violent and perpetrate crimes themselves.

Paradoxically, some of the worst female perpetrators were women without an official role in assisting with crimes—women who acted out their hatred and expressed their power in informal settings.

These were wives who joined their husbands—high-ranking officials in the Nazi Party, the SS and police, and the occupation administration—in the East.

Such women demonstrated two understandings of marriage. On one hand, they epitomized the dutiful wife, subordinate to her husband and seemingly content with domestic work and childrearing.

On the other hand, when the Führer and the Volksgemeinschaft required it, their marriages became essentially partnerships in crime. In the Nazi power hierarchy, the fact of shared race between husband and wife could trump the inequities of gender.

German women mimicked men doing the dirty work of the regime—the work that was necessary to the future existence of the Reich—because they were racial equals.

The racial elite would be concentrated in the SS. Heinrich Himmler, whom Hitler appointed Reich Commissioner for the Strengthening of Germanness in , was the chief.

The numerous organizations under his control, such as the SS Race and Resettlement Office, strove to identify and promote those with pure German blood which of course could never be medically classified as a type and a paranoid rejection of its pollutants.

Official policy now included forced sterilizations to avoid supposed threats to pure German blood, the criminalization of abortions, and strict regulation of marriage to promote fertile unions.

Looking back on the madness of this ideology, we struggle to grasp how a generation became consumed by it, and with such urgency and seriousness.

For those who had to turn Nazi racial ideology into practice, there were inherent contradictions to overcome and fuzzy notions to clarify.

To that end, jurists, scientists, doctors, and bureaucrats developed systems, laws, and procedures, such as the Law for the Protection of German Blood and Honor, and the Reich Citizenship Law, otherwise known as the Nuremberg Laws.

Sexual intercourse became a form of racial mating that had to be approved by the nation-state. The exacting administrator Heinrich Himmler named himself the sole authority for certifying marriages of SS men, concentrating on the files of his senior officers and the cases of questionable ancestry.

From each marriage applicant—the SS man and his proposed wife—Himmler demanded extensive documentation certifying Aryan ancestry detailed genealogical histories dating back to the s, and often earlier , ideological loyalty, physical fitness, acceptable racial features height, weight, hair color, nose shape, head measurements, profile , and fertility.

Hundreds of thousands of prospective SS brides were subjected to invasive gynecological exams and tested on their domestic skills and maternal instincts.

Vera Stähli, soon to become Vera Wohlauf, was already cunning and attention-seeking, perhaps traits acquired in her difficult youth.

Her father, a machine engineer, died when she was five years old. Vera and her mother moved from Hamburg to Switzerland to live with relatives, but later moved back to Hamburg, where in , at seventeen, Vera completed her education in a trade school.

Even with the onset of the Depression she managed to secure clerical jobs in various firms, but it was not possible to achieve her goal of living on her own.

After her mother died suddenly Vera navigated her own path. She left for England for six months. When she returned to Germany, the Nazis were on the rise.

Vera had not been politically active before, but participation in some Nazi Party organization now seemed advantageous.

Moreover, the growth of. She became an active member of the Reich Trade Association. Vera was not shy about her accomplishments.

Vera fit the Nazi ideal of womanhood: She liked order, had good taste, and was clever. She completed the requisite courses in household management and childcare and was awarded athletic medals.

She claimed that he could easily have fulfilled her desperate wish to have a child, since he was often stationed close to Hamburg and home on furlough.

Vera demanded a divorce, and after some time he agreed. In order to expedite the proceedings, Vera accepted all guilt. When she later revealed in court that she had not had intercourse with her husband for the past eight months, the judge questioned her fidelity and asked whether she had embarked on another relationship, which Vera denied.

The divorce was made official in June Julius Wohlauf had a beautiful, adoring wife with a large dowry of cash and other assets that more than tripled his own.

Vera Wohlauf had been accepted into the new elite of the SS. Racial examiners noted on the marriage application that Vera displayed a National Socialist outlook and championed the movement with courage and vigor.

But Vera was not one to stay home. She wanted to be with Wohlauf, who was at the center of the struggle. She decided to join her betrothed in Poland at the end of July.

They submitted their marriage application in With a ninth-grade education from a Catholic school, she went to work at a large chicken farm.

For three seasons she helped. Liesel was dissatisfied with menial work on the farm, however, so she enrolled in an eight-month course at a trade school.

She developed her skills in household management and cooking. This was enough for her to secure a training position as a cook at an eatery in her hometown, but she did not last there very long either.

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While women had been forced by World War I to enter into the public sphere of war-related work—in factories, streetcars, and government offices—they had little experience in politics, and most were content to call themselves apolitical.

With the implosion of the monarchy, the political arena, previously closed to them, suddenly opened. The Weimar Republic saw an explosion of ragtag movements, vigilante groups, and organized parties of all stripes.

In Munich alone, the nascent Nazi Party was among forty such movements in the early s. These popular movements were unabashedly nationalistic, xenophobic, and anti-Semitic.

They sought unity through racism, and rejected liberalism and parliamentary democracy as foreign encroachments on an imagined Germanic way of life where peace and order reigned.

Drawing on a romanticized view of the past, those who exalted the Volk prized the union of German blood and soil and the steely resolve of the warrior.

Women were better represented in the established, prewar parties such as the Catholic Center Party and the Social Democratic Party.

Only a radical, mostly urban minority backed the communist movement famously co-led by Rosa Luxemburg, who was brutally killed after a failed uprising in Berlin.

The movement that had found unity around the struggle to obtain the vote now. Some, such as those that dealt with sexual liberation and experimentation, were explosively innovative; often the source of controversy, these campaigns inflamed the right as much as they emboldened the left.

Those values defined in the most intrusive, usually divisive manner what it meant to be German. There were countervailing trends, such as the work of the Association for the Protection of Mothers and Sexual Reform, which assisted unwed mothers and managed homes for single women and their children.

The s brought ordinary Germans an expansion of individual liberties and a greater degree of political power.

Freedom of expression, leisure time, mobility, trade, access to the civil service—all were available in more abundance than ever before.

Meanwhile, radio, magazines, and the automobile carried the tempo of the city, and often its tumult, to the countryside.

It all turned out to be more than most Germans wanted, however. In the chaos and uncertainty of modernity and democracy, restoring order and tradition became more and more attractive.

Counterrevolutionary movements besieged the fragile republic. Such myths and prejudices contributed to the political polarization and dysfunctional coalitions of the fragile republic.

Deadlocks were broken by calling for new elections. Germans experienced near-constant campaigning and an exhausting political culture of agitprop with its crude fusion of mass advertising and bullying that sent them to the voting booths frequently.

In the period between and , twenty-one different coalition governments. For female conservatives, the Nazi Party was actually the least attractive option, since the Nazis did not accept female members or place women on the ballot.

Women could march in the demonstrations and in uniform in the late s, but they could not parade by the Führer himself. Idealized as nurturers, women who supported the Nazi movement of the s were relegated to subordinate roles.

One early female activist recounted the political awakening of women to the Nazi movement and their roles in the early clashes and elections: Women could not remain uninvolved in this struggle, for it involved their future too, and the future of their children.

Then we heard the first National Socialist [Nazi] speaker. We went to more meetings. We heard the Führer.

Men stood in the front ranks. The women quietly did their duty. Mothers listened anxiously in many a night hour for returning footsteps.

Many a leaflet was folded so that SA [Stormtrooper] men could leave it in a mailbox. Many a valuable hour was spent in SA kitchens and rooms.

Money was always being collected. The new faith was passed from mouth to mouth. No path was too long, no service for the party too small. Though active supporters of the Nazi movement, German women cannot be blamed for actually voting Hitler into power.

Hitler was not democratically. As soon as Hitler was in office, he and his supporters exploited every opportunity and legislative loophole to transform Germany into a one-party dictatorship and a racially exclusive nation.

Civil rights were suspended in February , less than one month into his rule, and political opponents were arrested and thrown into prisons and the newly established concentration camp at Dachau.

Trade unions were dissolved, Jewish shops boycotted, books burned. In March , Minna Cammens, who had served in parliament as a representative of the Social Democrats, was arrested for distributing anti-Nazi leaflets.

During her interrogation and detention she was murdered by the Gestapo. Female members of the Communist Party, too, were arrested and killed, or found hanging in their jail cells.

Lina Haag and other wives of prominent German Communist Party members were arrested with their husbands. Languishing in an isolation cell in a Stuttgart jail, she heard the desperate whispers of an inmate who had been sentenced to death.

At least thirty-five hundred women were trained as concentration camp guards, mostly at Ravensbrück, from where they were deployed to the various camps, including Stutthof, Auschwitz-Birkenau, and Majdanek.

Those who volunteered for the gruesome work saw these massmurder sites as places of employment and opportunity.

The uniform was impressive, the pay was good, and the prospect of wielding power was appealing. Some of the women who became guards had criminal records of their own or were prisoners in the Reich and transferred to guard duty as a way to rehabilitate themselves in the Nazi system.

During the war many were pressed into this kind of service to fulfill compulsory labor duty. Once the female recruits completed their training, took their oaths, and.

Female guards at Camp Neuengamme were known for their shrill screaming, slapping, and beating. Outside the camps as well, women persecuted other women.

Prisoner categories were left deliberately vague and elastic. Personal and political scores can be settled. The most vulnerable members of society, those on the margins, are expendable.

At the Nuremberg Nazi rally of , he employed the typical martial rhetoric. For the National Socialist Community of the Volk was established on a firm basis precisely because millions of women became our most loyal, fanatical fellow-combatants.

As Alfred Rosenberg, the Nazi Party ideologue, summed it up: But there must be clarity on one point: They had to give up control over their own bodies, now placed in service to the state.

Victories were measured not by births but by the number of healthy Aryan babies. The mass campaign of selective breeding. Midwifery as a profession exploded.

Not all women were considered suitable soldiers. Those with so-called genetic disorders including alcoholics and the clinically depressed , prostitutes with venereal diseases, Roma and Sinti women, and Jewish women were subjected to forced sterilizations and abortions.

Of the four hundred thousand nonJewish Germans who underwent forced sterilization, women made up about half. According to the historian Gisela Bock, several thousand died because of botched medical procedures.

Ordinary German women and girls were betrayed by midwives and nurses, who upon the arrival of a child reported alleged defects and upon routine gynecological examinations recommended abortions and sterilizations.

Indoctrination began formally at age ten. Eventually the Nazis shut down most other youth programs or assimilated them into the Hitler Youth, with the exception of some Catholic youth groups protected by the Vatican.

Since protective parents who attempted to shield their children from the movement lost their authority in the household and standing in the community, they usually yielded to the badgering of Nazi Party agitators, neighbors, and colleagues.

In towns such as Minden, local officials supplied the Nazi Party with lists of registered female births, which were used by Party volunteers to go door-todoor conscripting German girls into the movement.

The League satisfied the desire of many girls—political or not—for community and lasting friendships. For some it was a steppingstone to full Nazi Party membership and a career in the movement, a way to acquire appropriate skills.

The young women of the era looked forward, not backward. When the Nazis called to abolish the female vote in , German women did not go on a hunger strike.

The experimental laboratory of the Weimar era had to be fully discredited and dismantled while introducing another emancipatory alternative in Nazism, one that prioritized discipline and conformity.

German women who felt empowered by the Nazi movement experienced a sort of liberation in camaraderie—not as feminists who wished to challenge the patriarchy, but as agents of a conservative, racist revolution.

Members of the League of German Girls shooting rifles as part of their paramilitary training, The ideology of the Volk had its own female aesthetic.

German girls and women were not supposed to paint their fingernails, pluck their eyebrows, wear lipstick, dye their hair, or be too thin.

Nazi leaders condemned the entire cosmetics boom of the s as Jewish commerce, as a cheapening of German femininity that turned women into prostitutes and led to racial degeneration.

German men should mate with the girl next door, not the urbanite or the Hollywood-style vamp. Women began to act on the ambitious notion, at times daunting but more often energizing, that they should expect more from life.

Young women of modest backgrounds asserted themselves by leaving their villages, enrolling in training programs as typists or nurses, and joining a political movement.

The daughters of those first-time Weimar voters imagined possibilities in Germany and beyond. Rarely do the women featured in this book describe, or even mention, prewar Nazi policies concerning Jews.

Indeed, Brigitte Erdmann, a female entertainer for the troops in Minsk, wrote to her mother in that she had her first encounter with a German Jew when she was in Belarus.

German girls growing up in Germany of course saw the crude propaganda, the images of Jews as inferior, in posters and newspapers. In fiction and film representations, the Jew was depicted as something dangerous—and for girls in particular, lecherous.

In this sexualized form, anti-Semitism struck at the most intimate, emotionally charged domain of intercourse between German Gentiles and German Jews.

In secondary schools, all children created elaborate genealogical charts, which served two purposes: In new editions of textbooks, anti-Semitic slogans and grotesque images of Jews were paired with Nazi symbols and uplifting quotations attributed to an attractive, airbrushed Führer.

Public name-calling and bullying of Jews was tolerated on playgrounds, at bathhouses, and at sporting events. A Mardi Gras parade in one Catholic region included an elaborate float and a procession of Germans dressed as Orthodox Jews going to Palestine.

They learned not only how to tolerate it but how to take action against select foes and vulnerable classmates.

When a German girl at one school tried to beat up a former Jewish friend, the Jewish girl retaliated, to her surprise. They saw, heard, and read about the destructive assaults on Jews across Germany.

Hundreds of synagogues in cities and small towns were torched, shop windows smashed. Stormtroopers and SS men vandalized Jewish cemeteries, digging up and breaking gravestones.

Thousands of Jewish men were beaten up, and thirty thousand were thrown into concentration camps. Official German sources reported the Jewish death toll as ninety-one.

The historian Richard Evans, however, has estimated that there were between one and two thousand deaths, including three hundred suicides.

More than three-quarters of some nine thousand Jewish businesses in Germany were looted and destroyed. Women and girls who did the shopping saw this destruction; many of them commented on the mess that needed to be cleaned up, or complained about the disorder and inconvenience.

Last night they had a taste of what this means. During the boycotts, Nazi Stormtroopers defaced store windows and tried to prevent women from entering the shops.

Most of these were small Jewish family businesses, but in the larger department stores such as Tietz many German women worked as salesclerks.

Nazi leaders and German financiers drove the Jews out of business, forcing them to sell below true value, while Jewish managers were removed from management boards.

In any case, it was an event, a visible change that marked the victimization and then departure of their Jewish neighbors and employers. The waves of Nazi assaults in the s became overwhelming for German Jews, and eventually most Jews who could leave did.

By , about half had left Germany, two-thirds of whom were children. From the German perspective, the Jews who remained were invisible as human beings but everpresent as a phantom or evil force that threatened Germany.

Thus the Minsk entertainer, Brigitte Erdmann, and other German women who were taken aback by the presence of Jews in the East believed that they had not seen an actual Jew before, when in fact many had had daily contact with Jewish people while growing up in Germany.

The societal norm of disregarding the plight of German Jews was allied with the expectation that German girls should embody a feminine brand of toughness.

Among the sporting exercises for young women in the League of German Girls were marching drills and sharpshooting. Young women, indeed girls, were trained to fire in formation with air rifles.

The physical activity was coupled with a dumbing-down of the population. German schoolgirls were not taught subjects such as Latin, since knowledge of this kind was not necessary for future mothers.

Instead, the girls were given pamphlets with advice on how to pick a husband: The public affirmation of motherhood also had its appeal.

Certainly one must be wary of taking Nazi propaganda and the declarations of Nazi leaders as fact. The propaganda meant to push women back into the private realms of Kinder, Küche, Kirche—children, kitchen, and church—and the financial incentives that were supposed to increase marriage and birthrates did not yield the results Nazi leaders had expected.

After , the birthrate declined and the divorce rate increased. Statistics show that most German women were not married, were not constantly pregnant, and were not staying at home.

As the Third Reich established its proliferating agencies and offices across Germany and later in the occupied territories , women became a more visible part of the workforce than ever before in German history.

Who knew what the future might bring? They certainly could not choose to marry a Jewish man, or raise a child with a disease considered genetic.

They no longer had political options, since the Nazi Party was the only legal party. And the types of careers open to them were limited.

Before the war, all Germans fresh out of school or planning to attend university were expected to fulfill a labor assignment for the Reich, a six-month stint usually in agriculture.

At these Reich Labor Service camps, though the sexes were separated, all socioeconomic classes were thrown together to develop a sense of national camaraderie.

The Nazi system did not tolerate nonconformists. Once placed in military and government offices, female employees could not be dismissed except for a health reason, including pregnancy, or for misconduct, in which case they were punished.

Nazi leaders prepared for a total war and a total empire. Such global ambitions required the creation of a new caste, a German imperial elite, composed of young men and women.

Restoring Germany to its position as a Great Power in Europe would complete what the Kaiser had attempted. However, unlike the British approach of securing hegemony in sea power and overseas possessions, the German tactic would focus on continental Europe, and specifically on the fertile lands of eastern Europe.

Just as our ancestors. For it is not in colonial acquisitions that we must see the solution of this problem, but exclusively in the acquisition of a territory for settlement, which will enhance the area of the mother country.

And so we National Socialists consciously draw a line beneath the foreign policy tendency of our pre-War period. We take up where we broke off six hundred years ago.

We stop the endless German movement to the south and west, and turn our gaze toward the land in the east. The explicit call to colonize eastern Europe seems brazen in hindsight.

We know the genocidal outcome of what Hitler summoned from his followers. In the twilight of European hegemony, though, such imperial claims by a self-perceived Great Power were considered legitimate.

As he would later muse in his bunker in Ukraine: The German colonist ought to live on handsome, spacious farms. The German services will be lodged in marvelous buildings, the governors in palaces.

What India was for England the territories of Russia will be for us. If only I could make the German people understand what this space means for our future!

Colonies are a precarious possession, but. Among Germans, the experience of the Great War—in particular the humiliating loss of territory—only broadened the feeling that they were a Volk ohne Raum, a people without adequate space, which was the title of a best-selling novel in the s.

Nazi propagandists and intellectuals recast German history in school textbooks and popular exhibits as the story of successive waves of eastern migration.

The exhibit traced Germans in eastern Europe back to the medieval history of the crusading Teutonic Knights, industrious German merchants of the Hanseatic League, and hard-working German peasants, who in successive attempts all sought to stem the tide of Asiatic hordes driving west.

Women figured in The Soviet Paradise as well, as adoring wives and robust mothers. These images and tales were supposed to inspire ordinary Germans to go east and to accept the crusade against Bolshevism, the subjugation of Poland in , and the invasion of the Soviet Union in as historically legitimate and necessary.

German women who went east in the Third Reich were not the first generation of German imperialists. After Poland was defeated in September , several thousand German women were pressed into labor service and strongly encouraged to vacation in Poland.

East which our troops have traversed, fighting and winning, become ever greater, [and] ever greater are the numbers of Germans who go out into the East Ostraum with the civilian administration.

The fighting troops are always quickly followed by German women. In more than three thousand young women went to Poland to prepare for their careers.

They cared for and educated ethnic German refugees who streamed from Romania and Ukraine into special villages in Poland such as Zamosz, where the occupying German force had brutally ejected Poles from their homes, stealing their property along with their livestock and personal possessions.

In the history of German imperial expansion in Europe and overseas, the Nazi chapter was the most extreme in its genocidal policies, social engineering schemes, and deployment of female activists.

In the Nazi imagination, the eastern Lebensraum, an Aryan living space abroad, was a frontier where anything was possible—a place where massmurder factories could be constructed alongside utopian, German-only colonies.

Third Reich popular culture projected the Wild East as a fertile terrain where Teutonic bounty hunters, posses, and pioneers tamed the terrain and its savages.

Ethnic Germans appeared in Nazi photographs in wagon trains while local gendarmes and SS policemen crossed the plains straddling motorcycles like cowboys astride horses.

A popular family board game of the s depicted German settlers as pioneers in the East. The notion of Lebensraum was supposed to galvanize Germans— functioning in much the same way as the idea of the Volksgemeinschaft within the Reich—to conquer, colonize, and exploit eastern Europe.

The reality of Lebensraum would fall far short of its democratic promise. The German juggernaut consisted of a combined assault of military forces, the SS and police, civilian government agencies, and development contractors.

The Race and Resettlement Office and other agencies of Germanization fanned out across the eastern occupied territories in search of racially acceptable ethnic Germans and suitable colonial enclaves.

Himmler instructed his men to carry out state-sanctioned campaigns of kidnapping. SS racial examiners would determine if the child had enough German blood, and if so, the child was put up for adoption.

German women who were infertile or had miscarried, and who were desperate to prove their racial merit by becoming mothers, were likely candidates for receiving and adopting stolen children.

In their roles as resettlement administrators and racial examiners, women escorted racially cherry-picked children from the East to the Reich and arranged for their placement in foster homes and state-run nurseries.

After the war the Polish government and surviving relatives requested that the children. Most of the children were not identified, however, and many German mothers refused to give up those who were.

Thus many of the children grew to adulthood in German households, and few learned where they came from. This aspect of the Nazi genocide would not have been possible without the involvement of German female administrators and German mothers.

Himmler had the dual charge of securing and expanding the German race by destroying its enemies and promoting the breeding of Aryans.

The Nazi movement sought to take European history in a new direction, into an era of German hegemony that in its core anti-Semitic Weltanschauung would be free from the racial-political influence of the Jews.

Imperial dreams were set on the lands between Germany and Russia, inhabited by—in the picture painted by the Nazis—inferior, threatening races and political opponents.

Such a paranoid hatred incited radical population policies and heightened security measures—all of which became the rationale for mass shootings of noncombatants, Soviet POWs, and especially Jewish men, women, and children.

On the heels of the German army, the German government and Nazi organizations deployed at least thirty-five thousand colonizing agents in the occupied territories of the former Soviet Union.

Nazioccupied Poland also attracted its share of carpetbaggers, entrepreneurs, dilettantes, careerists, social climbers, and former convicts; in total, some fourteen thousand German men and women worked in this administration, known as the General Government.

The historian Michael Kater has estimated that nineteen thousand young German women were sent to annexed territories of Poland to assist with the resettlement operations.

More women staffed the German post offices and railways. Transfers, leaves, deaths in warfare, and visits or relocation of family members for periods of time further complicate the task of arriving at good estimates.

But the estimate given earlier for women in the East—half a million—is based on. In this chapter we will meet women in the largest of these categories— teachers, nurses, secretaries, and wives—as they accepted or seized the opportunity to go east.

Two-thirds of all German teachers attended training camps where they were subjected to physical and ideological exercises. History lessons in German schools focused on German military prowess, past empires, and heroic pioneers.

Hitler was placed within a pantheon of heroes, including Charlemagne, Frederick the Great, and Bismarck. Language instruction explained speech patterns not as regional dialects but as racial variants.

An interwoven theme in all subjects was the superiority of the German race. Physical beating of children who did not conform or were disobedient was common in the s.

To implement the Law for the Prevention of Genetically Diseased Offspring, teachers were expected to report children with disabilities.

In I interviewed one of. We sat outside on his terrace enjoying the customary late-afternoon coffee and cake.

When we were finished, I asked Friedrich K. He recalled that there was the local teacher, Frau Ottnad, but she was dead.

She had committed suicide. He gestured toward the nearby chapel where she was buried, and mentioned something about her gravesite, the kind of local details that inhabitants of small villages notice.

I asked what she had done. He paused and looked at his wife, who nodded approvingly. Well, he explained, there was a nice little girl in our village I liked to play with.

She sat next to me in class. But sometimes she had seizures. And Frau Ottnad could not tolerate this. Then the girl stopped coming to school; she had disappeared from the village.

Frau Ottnad explained that the child caused too much disruption in class and that she had to be sent away. The child never returned.

One learned how to witness suffering arrogantly. Only those with the best marks would be taken into the foreign service, so Ivens studied hard.

As a child, she had visited the Netherlands with her father; she had fond memories of the city that served as the seat of the Dutch government, The Hague, and of one of its buildings in particular, the German School.

Ivens awaited official word of her assignment from the Cultural. Where might she be posted? There were many possibilities.

When a thin blue envelope with official stamps on it arrived, Ivens suddenly felt her heart beating faster. Her father left the room and began to telephone friends.

Did anyone know where this place was? He returned as informed as he could be. Reichelsfelde was a village in the annexed territories of Poland.

There was no post office in the village, no train station, no electricity, and no plumbing. Ivens was disappointed, but there was nothing she could do.

Orders were orders, and there was little time to become sentimental about Den Haag. She began to pack and plan for her journey. Though Nazi authorities were not keen on placing single women in these rural outposts, they saw no alternative.

With the ongoing war, fewer men were available for civilian desk jobs and professions. Schools were central institutions for converting ethnic Germans to the Nazi cause, and for creating a racial hierarchy that pushed non-German children out of the schools while developing a new elite of female educators.

By March , about six months after the start of the war, the Reich Education Ministry in Berlin had already instructed its regional offices across Germany to send trained teachers immediately to the eastern territories to fulfill this mission.

In one region of Poland alone, some twenty-five hundred German women worked in the German-only schools, organizing the establishment of more than five hundred kindergartens.

Like Ivens, these teachers had little choice in their assignments; attempts to be released from postings in places like Reichelsfelde were routinely denied.

The teachers and childcare workers who ran schools and kindergartens in the Nazi East contributed to the development and implementation of the.

Schools were often managed by German women sent from the Reich and local ethnic Germans who assisted them. Of all the professions, it was nursing that brought the largest number of German women directly into the war and the Nazi genocide, as nurses occupied a variety of traditional and new roles in the developing racial state.

In Germany, they participated in selections of the mentally and physically disabled in asylums and escorted these victims to their deaths in gas chambers or administered lethal injections.

In the eastern territories, they cared for German soldiers and witnessed the deprivation and murder of Soviet prisoners of war and Jews. They worked in the infirmaries of concentration camps.

They consoled German SS policemen and soldiers who recoiled from the experience of shooting victims at close range. They visited ghettos on official health inspections, and they visited ghettos privately as well, out of curiosity or a desire to obtain some object or service.

They stood on railway platforms while Jewish deportees locked in railway cars begged for help. They were primary witnesses of the Holocaust in Europe, and some committed mass murder as the euthanasia program expanded from Germany into Poland.

As the profession of nursing developed into a noble calling in the second half of the nineteenth century, it was limited to middle- and upper-class women.

Indeed, soldiers dubbed these nurses in their long white dresses and winged caps, flying from. Recruiters enticed young women with patriotic slogans and propagandistic images of smiling nurses in exotic settings and dressed in clean white uniforms—images that presented war as an experience of healing and caring rather than one of bloodshed and violence.

Many teenagers were receptive to the call to serve the Reich; they wanted to escape the village and had already been exposed to a heavy dose of hygiene and racial biology in childcare courses.

Some fifteen thousand women turned out in the recruiting drives of late and early , just after the Nazi conquest of Poland. During the Nazi era, nursing took on an acutely nationalistic and ideological character.

Tailored dresses and modest caps replaced the gowns of World War I. The most important piece of the new uniform was the pin, a military-style stamp of honor and organizational affiliation.

To become fully certified—a status allowing for work in any hospital—a nurse had to show proof of her Aryan ancestry and political reliability.

Nursing as it was now conceived left little room for humanitarian ideals. Like ordinary German soldiers, nurses had to take an oath to the Führer.

Feeling that she had little choice, Ohr joined. She recalled nothing of the ideological content of the meetings she attended—or perhaps she suppressed those details in her recounting—but she did remember receiving the uniform, a crisp white blouse and dark blue skirt.

More decisive for her future was one event, probably also sponsored by the Nazi Party, at which Ohr met two Red Cross nurses.

These nurses were also farm girls who, upon realizing that their eldest brother would inherit the family business, had decided to seek an alternative and pursue a profession.

Ohr found them inspiring in their Red Cross uniforms and lapel pins. First, though, she had to be released from compulsory labor duties in the Reich Labor Service, and then she had to secure a certificate attesting to her Aryan racial status.

Once the bureaucratic documentation was done, Ohr had to convince her employer, the priest, to let her go. When the rumors of her departure circulated, neighbors could not.

Only when her large suitcase was packed and shipped to Stuttgart did they believe it. With the outbreak of war in came a growing need for nurses and female health aides.

Her female superiors, the head nurses, were much older; one had served in World War I. They were all extremely efficient, prizing correctness and cleanliness.

Some clearly enjoyed giving orders to the young recruits. One insisted that all nurses wear their hair parted down the middle for the proper matronly appearance.

But Erika Ohr had her own preference. She parted her hair on the side, and when she returned home for a visit and was photographed in her uniform, that was how she proudly appeared.

After two years of intensive training in several clinics and hospitals in Stuttgart, Ohr was fully certified as a nurse and received her marching orders.

All members of the German Red Cross—as well as nurses associated with an array of religious, Party, and government organizations—could be called up for military service.

Perhaps she had made a mistake. Ohr had met German soldiers in a Stuttgart military hospital and had treated their injuries, but now she would have to work closer to the front and in a foreign land.

She could be sent anywhere in Nazi-occupied Europe or northern Africa. Ohr had no experience abroad; she had never ventured more than a hundred miles from her hometown in southern Germany.

She was nervous when she reported to the district army office in Stuttgart to pick up her official relocation papers, stamped 3 November She was being sent to Ukraine.

Ohr had little time to think about her destination: In a rush, she packed and informed her family of her assignment. When she boarded the train that would take her to Ukraine, she realized that she was the only woman among thousands of soldiers.

No one waved goodbye to her at the station. In the summer of , Annette Schücking, a highly educated young woman with a distinguished pedigree, also donned a tailored Red Cross uniform.

She hailed from a family of esteemed nineteenth-century literary figures. Her great-grandfather had been the companion of Annette von Droste-Hülshoff, a literary giant whose heroic protagonists and romantic musings on Westphalia fit the ideals of Nazi culture.

Her pacifist father, an active member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany SPD —the party that had founded the Weimar Republic—was barred from politics when the Nazis assumed power in A patriot and an idealist, Annette believed that she could dismantle the dictatorship in the courts.

Soon, though, Schücking realized that she was helpless to change the Nazi system and the men who dominated it.

At the University of Münster she was one of two women in her class; she and the other woman were routinely mocked by patronizing professors who found their presence in seminars an affront to tradition.

No matter how well she did, she would not be able to practice law: Hitler had barred women from the judiciary and the legal profession.

In any case, before she could finish her degree, Schücking was called up to fulfill her wartime labor duty. What could she do?

Schücking wanted to avoid a routine clerical job, and she was certainly too highly educated to work in a factory.

She detested the Nazis and their repression of political rights and freedoms, and her own career dreams had been frustrated, but she was still a proud German with a sense of duty.

Her peers, young German men, were being sent into battle and needed to be cared for, and she could not stay at home. At this time a newsreel was being shown in German theaters—Mothers in Mogilev.

It showed nurses doing their womanly duty at war in Belarus— greeting Hitler, caring for wounded soldiers, measuring drug doses, and serving refreshments and cake to the young soldiers.

After a few months of. These nurses were agents of a criminal regime, culpable by association but not by their individual deeds.

Other nurses did commit mass murder themselves, however. Of all the female professions, nursing contained the highest concentration of documented crimes, in the euthanasia program and the medical experiments in the camps.

The case of Pauline Kneissler is among the better-known ones of a German nurse-killer. Born in , Kneissler grew up in a well-off ethnic German household in the Odessa region of Ukraine.

Kneissler obtained German citizenship in and studied nursing in Duisburg on the Rhine. In the early s she completed her training at various institutions and then landed a secure position as a municipal nurse in an asylum in Berlin.

In Kneissler joined the Nazi Party. Besides her active role in Nazi associations and full-time work at the asylum, Kneissler enjoyed singing in a Protestant church choir.

In December she was summoned by the police to report to the Ministry of the Interior early in the new year.

The address given was in fact that of the Columbus House headquarters of the Nazi euthanasia operation. It was absolutely voluntary for those present to agree to participate.

None of us had any objections to this program, and Blankenburg swore us in. We were sworn to secrecy and obedience, and Blankenburg called to our attention the fact that any violation of the oath would be punished by death.

The castle—the former summer home of the dukes of Württemberg—is several miles from the nearest town and sits perched on a hilltop. After World War I it was converted into a home for the disabled.

The man in charge of the transports, Mr. Schwenninger of the Charitable Foundation for Institutional Care, had the list of deportees to be killed. This list had to be matched against the patient lists in the facilities they visited.

Once at Grafeneck, the patients were placed in barracks and superficially examined by two doctors. In most cases the patients were killed within twenty-four hours of their arrival.

Between January and December , medical personnel murdered 9, people at Grafeneck. After the war her role as a perpetrator in Germany became well known.

What is less well known is the fact that she was briefly posted in the East—a posting that would contribute to the transfer of mass-murder procedures from Germany to Poland and Belarus.

She joined a special unit of killers approved by Hitler. In contrast, the documented killing done by other German women in the East was dictated less by their professional training than by simple opportunity, individual character, and proximity to power and violent settings.

Even female guards in the camp and prison system could choose how cruel and sadistic to be toward prisoners and patients. The Nazi regime trained thousands of women to be accomplices, to be heartless in their dealings with the enemies of the Reich, but did not aim to develop cadres of female killers.

Particularly outside the terror system of the camps, prisons, and asylums, it was not expected that women would be especially violent or would kill.

In the East, it was secretaries and wives, not teachers or even nurses, who were most likely to become direct killers. Those who were close to the crime scenes, and to the men who managed and implemented the mass murder, were unavoidably involved—and, as will become clear, participated more than they had to.

Prior to the Nazi seizure of power, another revolution was under way in Germany, one that would prove decisive for this generation of women: By the number of women in white-collar clerical positions had tripled from the decade before.

Between and , young women increasingly sought work outside the traditional occupations of agriculture and domestic labor.

Women filled the ranks of the bureaucratic state and of corporations, the very machinery that sponsored, organized, and implemented the Holocaust.

The ordinary young woman of the Weimar era was not a freespirited flapper, and in the Nazi era she was not a demure housewife in a dirndl.

Rather, she was an overworked, poorly paid secretary. Modernity could be exhilarating and exhausting. Though exploited in the Nazi system, young women found new opportunities in the administrative field.

One could work in an office in the Reich or abroad. One could work for a government agency or in the armaments industry. Ilse Struwe was among at least ten thousand secretaries who left Germany to work in the offices of the East.

Ilse had been a lively child—too rambunctious, in fact, for her Prussian household, where, as she later recollected, the watchword was silence. Her bedridden mother insisted that she keep still, be seen and not heard.

Her father, a fruit wholesaler and Nazi Party member, beat her when she disobeyed. She soon learned that to be loved and accepted, and to be a brave, good girl, it was best not to challenge authority.

Instead, she quietly endured. At fourteen, Struwe lost her mother. They invited her into the youth movement when she was alone and grieving.

Struwe went to the meetings and. Later, when he was parachuted into Poland during the Nazi invasion, he wrote home to his sweetheart Ilse, boasting that he had cut off the beard of an elderly Jew.

Struwe grew to dislike him. As Struwe matured, she realized there were ways out of her oppressive household and village.

Her miserable mother, dependent for her entire life, had advised her daughter to gain some vocational training. Struwe relocated to Berlin to attend high school and complete secretarial training at a trade school.

But why bother with such training when she would get married anyway, her father wondered. He insisted that she come home and help him with the business.

Struwe was prepared to follow his orders, but her uncle in Berlin suggested that she seek a position in the military. New offices were opening in Paris, which the Germans had just occupied.

Struwe was sent to France in , Serbia in , and Ukraine in , opening mail, typing reports, editing publications, and relaying communications in the operations office of a Wehrmacht sentry.

Two hundred thousand of these women were, like Struwe, sent to the occupied territories. When Struwe was transferred to Ukraine, she did not give it much thought.

She wanted an adventure and travel, and besides, she had to go wherever she was sent. Liselotte Meier, in contrast, chose to go east.

She grew up in the Saxon town of Reichenbach at the foothills of the Ore Mountains bordering Bohemia. Meier and one of her childhood friends prepared together for white-collar work.

They dreamed of careers in the nearby cities of Leipzig, Dresden, Berlin. Both would end up in the same office in Lida, Belarus.

Meier had completed two years of a trade school and another two years of a commercial apprenticeship. At nineteen, she had the choice between working at an automobile factory in Leipzig and joining the new occupation administration in the East as a secretary.

She chose the second. Altvater was a working-class girl from Minden in western Germany, where her father was a foreman in a foundry.

The Westphalian town was socially rigid, economically depressed, and piously conservative. There were not many job prospects here in the s. In the modernizing state, marriage was still a primary route to social advancement.

With her female comrades she was put to the test ideologically and physically. Socialization here did not come in the form of traditional female values, and the League was no finishing school.

She could hold her own alongside male comrades in the racial struggle. Altvater soon set her sights beyond the stifling atmosphere of Minden. From to she trained as a business secretary at a machinemanufacturing firm.

With this recommendation she was able to obtain a position as a stenographer for the city administration of her hometown. But soon she became restless in her desk job; she wanted to get closer to the action of the war.

Her boss in Minden tried to discourage her from leaving, but to no avail. Realizing that Nazi Party membership would open up opportunities, perhaps in the newly annexed territories of Poland, Altvater filed her.

She was accepted in January Her clerical experience, single status, ostensible devotion to the Party, and desire to relocate made her an ideal candidate for service abroad.

She was tapped by the new Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories to relocate to Ukraine, and left immediately.

She completed Gymnasium, the more competitive type of high school program in Germany, and her route to an eventual assignment in the East was more prestigious than that of the other secretaries.

She was nineteen years old when she accepted a position in the recently established Gestapo station in Berlin.

From there she was transferred to the Reich Security Main Office. It was a large organization, with a staff that would reach some fifty thousand in The secretaries who worked in this most notorious office in the Nazi terror apparatus fit a certain profile.

Most were Nazi Party members or were active in Party organizations prior to their employment in the East. They were serious, self-assured women who were not intimidated by the Gestapo building, a place to which Germans were summoned and from which many did not return home.

These job seekers saw it instead as an attractive place to work. The pay was better, and perhaps being on the inside felt more secure than being on the outside.

The expansion of Germany into Austria brought more German women into the Nazi system. By the time Hitler annexed his homeland in March , two young secretaries in Vienna had already opted for Nazism.

Fanatics, they would later volunteer to work in Gestapo offices in Poland and Ukraine. Like many of her generation, she completed eight years of grammar school and middle school, followed by a two-year trade school.

After working for a few years as a typist in a private firm, she joined the newly established Gestapo office in and remained there until February , when she requested a better position, working for the commander of the Security Police and Security Service Sipo-SD in Radom, Poland.

But she did not appear to be Aryan. She was short, with brown eyes. For a photograph that would later accompany her application to marry the SS commander Felix Landau, Gertrude chose—oddly enough—to pose in an embroidered blouse, typically worn on special occasions by provincial Slavic women.

The scholar Michael Mann has argued that Nazis outside Germany—most notably in the borderlands of Poland, Bohemia, and Alsace as well as in Austria—developed especially fanatical tendencies in the s.

They organized evening social events to lure young single men and women. One of these women was Josefine Krepp. Josefine Krepp was a twenty-three-year-old typist living at home in an outer district of Vienna.

Her family apartment on the Krausegasse was not the best place from which to pursue a career or find a husband. In March Krepp made the trek into the city to attend a Nazi Party gathering.

She paid two schillings to learn more about the movement and to meet other curious young men and women. That two-schilling entry fee became her first payment of Party dues.

Krepp applied to join; it would be her first formal association with a political party. But she would have to wait to receive her official Party identification, because after the Nazis launched a series of bomb attacks in Austria, their Party was banned in June In the meantime, Krepp found a better job in the central police department.

After Germany annexed Austria in March , Krepp, who was still considered a Party applicant, was at least allowed to wear her Nazi pin.

Her dedication and ambition were recognized,. The elderly Freud fled a few months later to Paris. He was one of approximately one hundred thirty thousand Jews who were able to escape a salvo of anti-Semitic decrees and pogroms that ostracized and pauperized the Viennese Jewish community and left their synagogues, cultural centers, schools, and businesses in shambles.

Hitler had a special hatred for Viennese Jews. Many Austrians cemented their future in the Party and the Reich by proving themselves in Vienna in and There, he and his staff zealously perfected a system of forced Jewish emigration and expropriation of Jewish property, a model later applied to the mass deportations of European Jews to the Nazi death camps in Poland and to mass shooting sites in eastern Europe.

Josefine Krepp was a direct beneficiary of these historic changes. As a recognized early supporter of the Nazi Party and loyal administrator, she was promoted from the regular police bureau to the elite security agency, the Gestapo.

It had been vacant since October , when the first fifteen hundred Jews from Vienna were deported to a reservation in Nisko, Poland.

Secretaries like Block and Segel were not ordinary office workers. The route to success could involve service in the East, and many volunteered to be posted in Poland, the Baltics, and Ukraine.

Some were after a suitable partner to advance their social position, some sought to realize their newfound ideological goals, and some sought a liberating adventure.

Many wanted all of the above. Women who worked as secretaries in the Gestapo or the Reich Security Main Office typically remained in these organizations.

As part of the hiring procedure, they took a vow of secrecy. Once they showed that they could be trusted, they were occasionally moved to different stations, wherever a pressing need for stenographers and typists arose.

After the war she claimed that she had not been interested in relocating outside of Germany, until her boss lured her with the promise of occupying the coveted front office for the chief of the secret police in Minsk.

It was an influential position that paid better than her job in Berlin. The tremendous growth of Nazi Germany, its proliferating state and Party offices, and its economic and military rearmament depended upon a young, female secretarial force of clerks, stenographers, telephone operators, and receptionists.

At the time there was some ambivalence among men and women about this group of emerging female professionals. On the one hand, they were necessary to keep government and businesses running, and since most were underpaid, they were a cheap source of labor.

Thus this female contribution to the Nazi system was enormous, but it was publicly minimized. In Nazi ideology and propaganda, the mother remained the heroine of the German race.

Tensions between the crowns of France and England can be traced back to the origins of the English royal family itself, which was French Norman, and later, Angevin in origin.

For this reason, English monarchs had historically held not only the English crown, but also titles and lands within France, the possession of which made them vassals to the kings of France.

The status of the English king's French fiefs was a major source of con The s were a Julian calendar decade in the 14th century, in the midst of a period in world history often referred to as the Late Middle Ages in the Old World and the pre-Columbian era in the New World.

In Asia, the successors of the old Mongol Empire were in a state of gradual decline. The Ilkhanate had already fragmented into several political territories and factions struggling to place their puppet leaders over the shell of an old state; the Chagatai Khanate was undermined by religious unrest and fell to rebellion.

The Black Plague swept through the Kipchak Khanate in , and also affected the Genoese colonies under Mongol siege, thence spreading into Europe.

The Yuan dynasty in China was struck by a series of disasters, including frequent flooding, widespread banditry, urban fire, declining grain, increased civil unrest and local rebellion — the seeds of resistance that would lead to its downfall.

Southeast Asia remained free from Mongol power, with several small kingdoms struggling for survival. The following list of disasters in Estonia is a list of major disasters excluding conventional acts of war but including acts of terrorism which relate to Estonia or involved its citizens, in a definable incident or accident such as a shipwreck, where the loss of life was five or more, while some traffic accidents with under ten victims may be excluded.

Significant Plague of — — Plague outbreak during the Livo An cartoon of Edward Jenner's cowpox-derived smallpox vaccine Diseases and epidemics of the 19th century reached epidemic proportions in the case of one emerging infectious disease: Other important diseases at that time in Europe and other regions included smallpox, typhus and yellow fewer.

Medical responses Epidemics of the 19th century were faced without the medical advances that made 20th-century epidemics much more rare and less lethal.

Micro-organisms viruses and bacteria had been discovered in the 18th century, but it was not until the late 19th century that the experiments of Lazzaro Spallanzani and Louis Pasteur disproved spontaneous generation conclusively, allowing germ theory and Robert Koch's discovery of micro-organisms as the cause of disease transmission.

Thus throughout the majority of the 19th century, there was only the most basic, common sense understanding of the causes, amelioration and treatment of epidemic disease.

The late 19th century was the beginning of widesprea Influenza A H1N1 virus is the subtype of influenza A virus that was the most common cause of human influenza flu in , and is associated with the outbreak known as the Spanish Flu.

It is an orthomyxovirus that contains the glycoproteins haemagglutinin and neuraminidase. For this reason, they are described as H1N1, H1N2 etc.

Haemagglutinin causes red blood cells to clump together and binds the virus to the infected cell. Neuraminidase is a type of glycoside hydrolase enzyme which helps to move the virus particles through the infected cell and assist in budding from the host cells.

H1N1 strains caused a small percentage of all human flu infections in — In June , the Depiction of victims of the Great Irish Famine, — This is a list of famines.

It began with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in in which a dispute between Japanese and Chinese troops escalated into a battle.

The war was the resul Typhus, also known as typhus fever, is a group of infectious diseases that include epidemic typhus, scrub typhus and murine typhus.

This article covers the history of London of the early 20th century, from to the outbreak of World War II in London entered the 20th century at the height of its influence as the capital of the largest empire in history, but the new century was to bring many challenges.

London was the largest city in the world from about until it was overtaken by New York City in By one out of five Britons lived in London,[2] with the population of roughly 5 million in rising to over 7 million by The city became the epicenter for the nationwide suffrage movement spearheaded by Emmeline Pankhurst and her Women's Social and Political Patriot protests against taxation without representation followed the Stamp Act and escalated into boycotts, which culminated in with the Sons of Liberty destroying a shipment of tea in Boston Harbor.

Britain responded by closing Boston Harbor and passing a series of punitive measures against Massachusetts Bay Colony. Massachusetts colonists responded with the Suffolk Resolves, and they established a shadow government which wrested control of the countryside from the Crown.

Twelve colonies formed a Continental Congress to coordinate their resistance, establishing committees and conventions that effectively seized power.

It was founded as a republic, but in it became a constitutional monarchy. It had limited international recognition and was under the de facto control of Japan.

The area, collectively known as Manchuria, was the homeland of the Manchus, including the emperors of the Qing dynasty. In , the region was seized by Japan following the Mukden Incident and a pro-Japanese government was installed one year later with Puyi, the last Qing emperor, as the nominal regent and later emperor.

The territories formally claimed by the puppet state were first seized in the Soviet invasion of Manchuria in August ,[2] and A view of London from the east in The 18th century was a period of rapid growth for London, reflecting an increasing national population, the early stirrings of the Industrial Revolution, and London's role at the centre of the evolving British Empire.

A year later, in Christopher Wren's masterpiece, St. Paul's Cathedral was completed on his birthday. The first service had been held on December 2, , more than 10 years earlier.

This Cathedral replaced the original St. Paul's which had been completely destroyed in the Great Fire of London. This building is considered one of the finest in Britain and a fine example of Baroque architecture.

The Clock Tower of Wren's St. Georgian Era — During the Georgian era, London spread beyond its traditional limits at an accelerating pace.

Under her reign, Russia was revitalized; it grew larger and stronger, and was recognised as one of the great powers of Europe. In her accession to power and her rule of the empire, Catherine often relied on her noble favourites, most notably Grigory Orlov and Grigory Potemkin.

Assisted by highly successful generals such as Alexander Suvorov and Pyotr Rumyantsev, and admirals such as Fyodor Ushakov, she governed at a time when the Russian Empire was expanding rapidly by conquest and diplomacy.

Pomerania during the Early Modern Age covers the history of Pomerania in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. The name Pomerania comes from Slavic po more, which means "[land] by the sea".

Garrison, plunder, numerous battles, famine and diseases left two thirds of the population dead and most of the country ravaged.

Biography Rostgaard came from peasant stock. From age 12 he was brought up at the home of his uncle, Hans Rostgaard, a tax collector, who had been rewarded with Krogerup Manor, for his attempt in to liberate Kronborg Castle from the Swedes during the Second Northern War.

In a fight, Rostgaard killed a soldier of the garrison, but was acquitted for manslaughter, both by the local court, and by the Supreme Court.

He then served in a regiment from Courland in service of the Dutch Republic, reaching the rank of sergeant. When the Scanian War began, he returned to Denmark, and was commissioned into the Zealand Life Regiment, where he served until , when his resignation was accepted.

The revolt had various causes, including the socio-economic and political tensions generated by the Black Death in the s, the high taxes resulting from the conflict with France during the Hundred Years' War, and instability within the local leadership of London.

The final trigger for the revolt was the intervention of a royal official, John Bampton, in Essex on 30 May His attempts to collect unpaid poll taxes in Brentwood ended in a violent confrontation, which rapidly spread across the south-east of the country.

A wide spectrum of rural society, including many local artisans and village officials, rose up in protest, burning court records and opening the local gaols.

The rebels sought a reduction in taxation, an end to the system of unfree labour known as serfdom, and the removal of the King's senior officials and law courts.

Inspired by the sermons of the radica Great Northern War plague outbreak. Painting of the plague in Vilnius depicts Virgin of Mercy holding broken arrows of god's wrath.

It hangs inside the Church of St. Beak shaped mask, as worn by Hamburg's plague doctor Majus. Frandsen , p.

Byrne , p. Sticker , pp. Sticker , p. Munzar , p. O'Connor , p. Lenke , p. Frost , p. Frandsen , pp. Sahm , p. Sahm , pp. Herden , p. Kroll , p.

Kossert , p. Kossert , pp. Jaeckel , p. Schwartz , pp. Göse , p. Thiede , p. Thiede , pp. Zapnik , p. Englund , pp.

Schöning , pp. Schöning , p. Persson , p. Vuorinen , p. Engström , p. Bohn , p. For Gottorp and Stenbock, cf. Winkle , p.

Ulbricht , pp. Lorinser , p. Die Entwicklung der pommerschen Bevölkerung, bis Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Pommern vol. Forschungen zur Pommerschen Geschichte vol.

Das Handelshaus Donner in Visby und der gotländische Aussenhandel im Quellen und Darstellungen zur hansischen Geschichte.

Byrne, Joseph Patrick Encyclopedia of the Black Death. Engström, Nils Göran Suomen Lääketieteen Historian Seuran vuosikirja.

In Stefan Kroll; Kersten Krüger. Städtesystem und Urbanisierung im Ostseeraum in der Frühen Neuzeit: Urbane Lebensräume und Historische Informationssysteme, Beiträge des wissenschaftlichen Kolloquiums in Rostock vom The Last Plague in the Baltic Region.

Frost, Robert I War, State and Society in Northeastern Europe — In Neitmann, Klaus; Schich, Winfried. Geschichte der Stadt Prenzlau. Gottwald, Johann Christoph Stadt Dantzig, bey der daselbst Anno Hatton, Ragnhild Marie Herden, Ralf Bernd Roter Hahn und Rotes Kreuz.

Diskussionspapiere der Hochschule für öffentliche Verwaltung in Kehl. Die Geschichte eines Weltzentrums der Medizin von bis zur Gegenwart.

Stand und Perspektiven der Forschung". Kroll, Stefan; Grabinsky, Anne. Der letzte Ausbruch der Pest im Ostseeraum zu Beginn des Chronologie des Seuchenzugs und Bestandsaufnahme überlieferter Sterbeziffern.

Historiska institutionen vid Lunds universitet. Berichte des Deutschen Wetterdienstes. Lorinser, Carl Ignaz Die Pest des Orients.

Wie sie entsteht und verhütet wird. International conference on past, present and future climate. The History of the Baltic States. The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations.

Schöning, Kurt von Schriften des Vereins für die Geschichte der Neumark. Landsberg an der Warthe. Abhandlungen aus der Seuchengeschichte und Seuchenlehre.

Chronik der Stadt Stettin. Bearbeitet nach Urkunden und den bewährten historischen Nachrichten. Pest-Fälle in der Frühen Neuzeit.

In Signoli, Michel; et al. Archived from the original PDF on Pest und Krieg im Ostseeraum. Great Northern War plague outbreak topic During the Great Northern War — , many towns and areas of the Circum-Baltic and East-Central Europe suffered from a severe outbreak of the plague with a peak from to Member feedback about Great Northern War plague outbreak: History of Pomerania Revolvy Brain revolvybrain.

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Antonine Plague topic The angel of death striking a door during the plague of Rome; engraving by Levasseur after Jules-Elie Delaunay The Antonine Plague of to AD, also known as the Plague of Galen from the name of the Greek physician living in the Roman Empire who described it , was an ancient pandemic brought back to the Roman Empire by troops returning from campaigns in the Near East.

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Känn historiens vingslag i Poltava - Flames of War -

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Känn Historiens Vingslag I Poltava - Flames Of War Video

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